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D.D., LITT.D., 







M. B. S. 

THE following pages are based upon a 
course of lectures delivered to candidates 
for Ordination. They are published in the 
hope that the subject may be of interest not 
only to young students of Theology, but 
to the many lay members of the Church 
of England who thank GOD for the Book of 
Common Prayer. 

The best thanks of the writer are due to 
the Librarian of Cambridge University, for 
permission to reproduce pages from two 
of the MSS. under his care ; and to the 
Rev. Chr. Wordsworth, Prebendary of Lincoln 
and Rector of Tyneham, who has read the 
proofs, and suggested some valuable additions 
to the notes. 

H. B. S. 

CAMBRIDGE, Whitsuntide, 1896. 











NOTES 2i i 

INDEX 225 






(CAMB. UNIV. LIB. Ee., iv. 19) . . . .152 



". 3) 204 



WHITSUNDAY, June 9, 1549, witnessed the 
beginning of a new era in the public worship 
of the English Church. On that day through 
out the land the " Book of the Common Prayer 
and Administration of the Sacraments and 
other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church 
after the Use of the Church of England" 
superseded all Service-books previously 
allowed. From that day " all and singular 
Ministers in any Cathedral or Parish Church 
or other Place within this Realm of England, 
Wales, ... or other the King s Dominions," 
were " bounden to say and use the Mattins, 
Evensong, Celebration of the Lord s Supper, 
commonly called the Mass, and Administration 
of each of the Sacraments, and all their com 
mon and open Prayer, in such Order and 
Form as is mentioned in the same Book and 


none other or otherwise V Before the end 
of the year a royal proclamation required the 
surrender of the Service-books hitherto 
authorized, and all that were surrendered 
were defaced or destroyed, with the view of 
securing the complete abolition of the ancient 
services 2 . 

The Act of Parliament which legalized the 
new book was entitled "An Act for the Uni 
formity of Service and Administration of the 
Sacraments throughout the Realm." Uni 
formity in public worshipwas its professed end, 
and the uniformity at which it aimed was the 
establishment of a truly national rite. During 
her previous existence of nearly a thousand 
years the Church of England had failed to 
provide a national Use. She might have 
possessed one from the first had Augustine of 
Canterbury followed the advice which, if 
Bede may be trusted, he received from Gre 
gory in answer to a question which he had 
himself addressed to the Pope upon this very 
point. The members of the Roman mission 
had heard the Gallican mass during their 
sojourn in Gaul ; and the services chanted at 
St. Martin s, Canterbury, in the presence of 

1 2 & 3 Edw. VI. c. I (Jan. 22, 154!). 

2 Maskell, Mon. Rit. i. p. clxxii f. 


Queen Bertha by her Galilean chaplain, 
Bishop Liudhard, were doubtless of the same 
type ; whilst early associations led the mis 
sionaries to prefer the offices which they had 
used at Rome. Augustine, eager for uni 
formity, inquired why it was that, the Faith 
being one, the customs of Churches differed 
so widely. Gregory took a larger view of 
the whole question. He was so far from 
desiring the triumph of a single Use, that he 
proposed to add to the existing varieties one 
especially adapted to the wants of the new 
Church. Uniformity was desirable in a 
national Church, but not uniformity based 
upon rigid adherence to the customs of either 
Gaul or Rome. " It is my pleasure V he 
replied, " that anything you find which is 
likely to be especially acceptable to Almighty 
God, whether in the Roman, Gallican, or 
any other Church, be pressed into the service 
of the Church of England while she is still 
young in the Faith. Things are not to be 
esteemed for their connexion with places, but 
places for the sake of things. Whatever 
things in the several Churches are godly, 
helpful to devotion, or right in themselves, 
let these be collected and delivered to the 

1 Bede, H. E. i. 27 (Notes, p. 211). 


English people, to be treasured by them as 
their use." M. Duchesne doubts the genuine 
ness of this document, and is disposed to 
attribute it to Archbishop Theodore (f 690), 
or one of the scholars who surrounded his 
person 1 . If we accept this view, the words 
are of even greater interest, for they will 
then point to a desire for a national liturgy 
on the part of the leaders of the Church 
of England a full century after the con 
version of Kent. But the wise and liberal 
scheme, whether it proceeded from Gregory 
or from Theodore, was not destined to be 
realized at the time. It remained inoperative, 
until it bore fruit in the work of Archbishop 
Cranmer, whose first Book of Common 
Prayer might almost seem to have been 
moulded upon this project of the sixth or 
seventh century. 

The Church-books of Celtic Britain appear 
to have perished in the troubles of the Saxon 
invasion ; not a vestige of any of them is 
known to exist 2 . But if we may judge of 
them from the few books of Scotch or Irish 
origin and somewhat later date which have 
survived, their offices were akin to those 

1 Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chretien, p. 94. 

2 See Warren, Celtic Liturgy, esp. p. 163 ff. 


which were used in Gaul l . More than once 
after the withdrawal of the British Church, 
the Celtic or Gallican type of worship re 
appeared in England. At Canterbury, as we 
have seen, Augustine found a Gallican bishop 
in possession of St. Martin s. The Celtic 
missionarieswho re-evangelized Northumbria, 
followed their native Use, and at Lindisfarne, 
under Aidan, Finan, and Colman, the mass 
was doubtless nearer to the Gallican than 
to the Roman form, while at Dunwich the 
Gallican rite was probably practised by Felix, 
the apostle of East Anglia, who came from 
Burgundy 2 . In Kent, on the other hand, 
Augustine and his successors seem to have 
followed Roman ways. The Roman psalmody 
(cursus psallendi) and the Roman canon of 
the mass naturally came in the train of the 
Roman mission, notwithstanding Gregory s 
wiser counsels, if indeed they may be traced 
to Gregory. In the North, too, after the de 
parture of Colman, Roman influences were 
predominant, and the Celtic services gradually 
disappeared 3 . Great efforts were made to 
instruct the Northumbrian clergy in Roman 

1 See Warren, pp. 68, 75. 

2 Bright, Early Engl. Ch. H. pp. 130, 151. 

8 Bede, iv. 5, 18. Cf. Batiffol, Histoire du Breviaire 
Romain, p. 79 ; Warren, p. 76. 


Church music and to secure the use of at least 
the canon of the Roman Mass ; and in the 
main these efforts were successful l . Still, 
the Celtic and Gallican customs died hard. 
The Anglo-Saxon Mass, with the exception 
of the canon, did not altogether follow Roman 
lines. Besides special commemorations, 
missae, and rubrics, it possessed a wealth of 
proper prefaces unknown to the Gregorian 
mass, and episcopal benedictions for which 
there was perhaps no Gregorian precedent. 
Such pre- Norman Service-books as the 
Leofric Missal, and the Missal of Robert of 
Jumieges, archbishop of Canterbury (1051- 
1052), bear witness to the presence of non- 
Roman elements in the English liturgy before 
the Conquest. But if the services of the 
Church of England were not purely Roman, 
they did not attain to the character of a national 
Use. In each diocese there were local customs 
which grew into separate Uses. "Heretofore," 
so Cranmer writes in 1549, " there hath been 
great diversity in saying and singing in 
Churches within this realm ; some following 
Salisbury Use, some Hereford Use, some 
the Use of Bangor, some of York, and some 

1 Comp. the I3th and I5th Canons of the Council of 
Clovesho (Haddan and Stubbs, iii. p. 367). 


of Lincoln! The original diversity was ac 
centuated and fixed through the strengthening 
of the secular cathedral bodies which followed 
the Conquest. Within a few months, during 
the year 1090-1, the three great churches of 
York, Lincoln, and Salisbury received new 
constitutions from the Norman prelates placed 
over them by William 1 . These strong centres 
of ecclesiastical influence were able to impress 
their own customs upon the other churches of 
the diocese and in some cases to exercise 
this influence far beyond diocesan limits. 
Other cathedral bodies followed the example, 
and beside the Uses mentioned in Cranmer s 
preface, St. Asaph, Ripon, Lichfield, Exeter, 
Wells, Winchester, and St. Paul s, London, 
are known to have had distinct customs in 
Divine service 2 . From the thirteenth century, 
however, the Use of Sarum began to pre 
dominate. It was introduced during that 
century at Wells and Exeter. St. Paul s 
adopted it in 1415, and Lichfield a little later 
on: in 1542 the Convocation of Canterbury 
imposed the Sarum Breviary on the whole 
of the southern province. Thus, for three 

1 C. Wordsworth, Lincoln Cathedral Statutes^ p. 33 f. 
Cf. Prothero, Memoirs of H. Bradshaw, p. 280 f. 

2 Maskell, Liturgy, &*c. t p. Ixii. 


centuries before the Reformation the Church 
of England had been feeling her way towards 
the Uniformity which was at last attained 
in the Book of Common Prayer. 

The Sarum Use, as the immediate pre 
decessor of our present offices, deserves 
special attention. It is commonly ascribed 
to Osmund, Bishop of Sarum (1078-1099) ; 
but the attribution must be received with 
some reserve. Osmund was a nephew of the 
Conqueror, and a man of affairs : he filled 
the office of Chancellor of England, and had 
served as one of the Commissioners who 
compiled Domesday Book 1 . As bishop he 
rendered two conspicuous services, founding 
a cathedral at Old Sarum, and giving a con 
stitution to its chapter. His relation to the 
Use is less certain. It is said that his 
attention was called to the matter by a riot 
at Glastonbury in 1083, whrch followed an 
attempt on the part of the Norman abbat 
to thrust upon his monks a new mode of 
Psalmody. Such an event may well have de 
termined a far-seeing prelate such as Osmund 
to place the customs of his new cathedral on 
a definite basis ; but it certainly would not 
have dictated the policy of adopting an entirely 
1 W. H. Jones, Fasti Eccl Sarisb., p. 39 f. 


new Use. The Use of Sarum was doubt 
less largely pre-Norman, and Osmund s work 
limited to the infusion of a Norman ele 
ment, and the codification of the whole. The 
Consuctudinarium or Custom-book, formerly 
attributed to Osmund, has been traced by 
Mr. Bradshaw to a later prelate, Richard le 
Poore, who was Bishop of Salisbury from 
1215 to 1242. Bishop Poore founded a 
new cathedral at Salisbury (1218), and 
appears to have further emulated his great 
predecessor by giving a permanent form 
to the traditions which had grown up round 
the name of the founder of the old church 
at Sarum. At any rate the popularity of 
the Sarum Use seems to date from the 
episcopate of Poore, and his name deserves 
to be associated with that of Osmund in 
connexion with the Diocesan Use which 
was destined to be the parent of the Use of 
the whole Church of England. 

Next to uniformity of worship the Eng 
lish reformers of the sixteenth century had 
at heart the unification of the Service-books. 
The Consuetudinarium of a cathedral body 
was a single book J , but the services it regu- 

1 For the contents of the Sarum Consuetudinarium see 
Lincoln Statutes, p. 67 f. 


lated filled a series of MSS., some of which 
were of considerable bulk, and indeed were 
usually broken up into several volumes. 
Before the Reformation the English parish 
priest needed at least four great Church- 
books l a Breviary for use in the choir, a 
Missal for the services of the Altar, a Manual 
for the occasional offices, and a Processional 
for the periodical processions which took place 
in the church or churchyard, or on certain 
days in the streets of the town and the 
lanes of the adjacent country. But in prac 
tice a much larger number of books was 
required. The Breviary was a compilation, 
and to some extent a compendium, of the litur 
gical Psalter, the Antiphonary, the Hymnal, 
fa^Legenda, the Collect-book. Even this list 
does not exhaust the books employed in the 
divine office ; the Diurnale or book of the 
Day Hours, the Ordinale or Pica or Pie, 
the Lectionarium, Legendarium, and Pas 
sionate were often written in separate MSS. 
for use in the choir. The Missal, again, 
included the Epistle-book, the Gospel-book, 
the Graduate or Grail, the Troper, as well 
as portions of the Sacramentary ; and these 

1 See the admirable note by Mr. Bradshaw printed in 
Mr. Prothero s Memoir, p. 443 f. 


components were often produced separately 
for the various officiants. Decrees of Eng 
lish Diocesan Synods and constitutions of 
the Metropolitan continually press upon 
parishioners the duty of procuring these 
costly books. Thus Walter Gray, Arch 
bishop of York (I25O) 1 , directs that the parish 
churches be provided " in the way of books 
with Icgenda, antiphonary, grail, psalter, 
troper, ordinale, missal and manual." A 
similar list is given in a constitution of 
Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canter 
bury (1305). The larger churches required 
or procured several copies of the chief books ; 
thus an inventory of the Church of All Saints, 
Derby, in the year 1466, mentions eight Anti- 
phonaries, four Processionals, two Missals, 
three Grails, two Manuals, two Ordinalia. 
Church accounts of the first half of the 
sixteenth century enable us to estimate the 
burden entailed upon the parishes of Eng 
land by the necessity of providing these 
numerous Service-books and keeping them 
in repair. The accounts of Stratton, Corn 
wall, contain the following entries between 
1526 and the death of Mary : " Item paid for 
ii processionalles \\s. \\\d. . . Item p d . for 

1 Wilkins, Cone. i. 768. 


a manuele ns. [1526]. . . Item p fl . for a newe 
manuele book iis. . . Item p d . for a newe pro- 
cessionale book xx</. [1535]. . . Item p d . for 
a manuele boock xxii^/. [1547]. . . Item p d . 
for a processional and a whole manuell vils. 
[1554] V It seems as though a new Manual 
and a new Processional were required in this 
small Cornish parish every ten or twelve 
years ; frequent use in the churchyard and 
parish explains why these books needed 
more frequent renewal than the others. 
A new Missal or Great Breviary does not 
seem to have been needed at Stratton 
during a period of twenty - eight years. 
But the cost of these larger volumes must 
from time to time have fallen heavily on the 
country parishes, even when the price had 
been reduced by the art of printing. To 
parishioners as well as to clergy it was a 
matter for congratulation to know that for 
the future two books would generally suffice. 
The preface to the new Prayer Book calls 
attention to this point : " by this order the 
Curates shall nede none other bookes for 
their public services but this book and the 
Bible ; by the means whereof the people 
shall not be at so great charges for bookes 

1 Maskell, Rit. Mon. i. p. xix. 


as in tyme past they have been 1 ." Yet 
Cranmer could not have foreseen the full 
extent of the benefit he had conferred upon 
the English people. The Book of Common 
Prayer has not only saved the pockets of 
parishioners and lessened the labour of 
" Curates"; its compactness has made it 
possible to put a complete copy of the Ser 
vices of the Church into the hands of her 
youngest and poorest member. No con 
ceivable revision of the old Service-books in 
their separate form would have attained this 
end. The practical genius of the nation calls 
for a compendium of Divine worship which 
may satisfy the needs of all Englishmen, and 
the Book of Common Prayer supplies the 
demand. The old Service-books were written 
almost exclusively for the use of the clergy ; 
the layman was content with the " little 
Office " to be found in the Latin Horae, or in 
the English Primer 2 . The Prayer Book is as 
much the layman s companion as the priest s, 
and it has largely taken the place of private 

1 The price of the new Prayer Book was limited by royal 
authority : " the King s Maiestie . . . strictly chargeth and 
commandeth that no maner of person do sell the present 
booke unbounde above the price of ii shyllinge and ii pence 
the piece. And the same book in paste or in boordes not 
above the price of three shillings and viii pence the piece." 

2 Some account of these Service-books for the laity will 
be found in the Notes (p. 211 f.). 

B 2 


manuals of devotion, whilst in church it is 
in the hands of the whole congregation. 
Something has doubtless been sacrificed to 
brevity, but the result has been to secure for 
the Church of England the most popular 
Service-book in Christendom. 

Even more important than the unification 
of the Service-books was the simplication of 
their contents. The abandonment of the 
Latin tongue was an important step in this 
direction. There was much to be said in 
favour of the use of Latin in the mediaeval 
books. The Church of England had said 
her offices in Latin from the beginning. The 
Celtic Churches had done the same ; in Ireland, 
Scotland, and Gaul, Latin was the Church 
tongue long before the national Use had been 
superseded by the Roman Mass and the 
Roman Hours, and there is no reason to doubt 
that it was the tongue in which the British 
Church had worshipped God. Moreover it 
is not to be denied that the Latin language 
was singularly well adapted to the devotions 
which it assisted ; there is much in the 
mediaeval books which would lose its chief 
beauty if it were rendered into the vulgar 
tongue, and one can only wonder at the 
courage which attempted the translation of 


a portion of their contents, and the skill which 
succeeded so well. But Cranmer saw that 
there could be no "common prayer" in the 
full sense of the words until the services were 
said in a language which the whole nation 
understood. So long as he had in view merely 
a revised Breviary for the use of the clergy, 
the Archbishop adhered to the traditional 
Latin ; but as soon as the idea of daily 
congregational worship had been clearly 
grasped, he abandoned it without hesitation. 
" The service in this Church of England" 
he complains, " these many years hath been 
read in Latin to the people, which they under 
stood not . . . here you have an Order for 
Prayer as touching the reading of the Holy 
Scripture ... a great deal more profitable and 
commodious than that which of late was 
used." It was not surprising that the Church 
had found it impossible to secure the attend 
ance of the laity at the daily prayers when 
they could not understand what the Priest 
sang or said. Yet there were other causes 
for their indifference beside the use of a dead 
language. Even if they could have under 
stood it, the Breviary appealed only to the 
monk or to the priest ; an expert was needed 
to thread its mazes ; the laity were warned 


off not merely by the Latin dress of the 
offices, but by their complexity. Even for 
the clergy " to turn .the Book only was so 
hard and intricate a matter that many times 
there was more business to find out what 
should be read, than to read it when it was 
found out." Exquisite as was the skill which 
had framed the system of " Anthems, Re 
sponds, Invitatories, and such like things," it 
had no voice to reach the heart of the people ; 
the elaborate care, the scientific precision with 
which the fabric was raised defeated the 
end of the builders, and the musical setting, 
designed to evoke and interpret the thought 
wrapt up in psalm or lesson, served only to 
" break the continual course of the reading of 
the Scripture." The clergy may have suffered 
in some degree by the sweeping away of the 
old system, and the artistic beauty of the offices 
has certainly been diminished. But the cost 
had been counted, and it seemed to Cranmer 
and his friends to be light in comparison with 
the gain. We have lost the finished perfec 
tion of the mediaeval services, but we have 
gained a Book of truly common prayer. 
The canonical Hours have been abandoned, 
but in place of them a daily Order of Morning 
and Evening Prayer, in which priest and 


people worship God together, has been re 
stored. The canonical Hours had become in 
England, as they are still in countries where 
the Church has not undergone reformation, 
practically a dead letter for all but the monas 
tic bodies and the priesthood : the Order of 
Morning and Evening Prayer is a living 
rite for which thousands of the English laity 
can bless GOD. " In one country alone, " it 
has been truly said, " in one form alone, does 
the ancient Western Office really survive . . . 
The English Church is in this matter the heir 
of the world. She may have diminished her 
inheritance, but all other Western Churches 
have thrown it away V 

Of the purification of the old offices little 
is said in Cranmer s preface. They were less 
deeply dyed in the peculiar theology of the 
mediaeval church than is commonly supposed. 
The substance is largely taken from Scriptures 
or the Fathers, or consists of devotions framed 
within the first six centuries. The Preface 
to the new Prayer Book is singularly fair in 
this matter ; it speaks of the " uncertain 
stories " which had found their way into the 
Saints Day lessons, and of many things left 

1 Freeman, Principles of Divine Service, i. p. 279. See 
also Neale, Essays, p. 46. 


out, "whereof some be untrue, some vain 
and superstitious/ But these accretions 
fell away naturally and without any organic 
change, when the services were submitted to 
the test of Scripture and of history. The 
offices, as a whole, with few exceptions, were 
free from objections on this score. So far 
were the English Reformers from condemning 
any devotional form on account of its use 
by the mediaeval Church, that in several 
instances, as we shall see, they have followed 
mediaeval practice where it differs from that 
of earlier times, or retained a formula which 
was unknown to either West or East before 
the eleventh or twelfth century. Their 
quarrel with the Church of the Middle Ages 
was limited to matters in which its innova 
tions were inconsistent with the primitive 

The revision of the Service-books which 
resulted in the Book of Common Prayer was 
certainly thorough and fearless. Yet it was 
a revision only and not a substitution of new 
offices. Nearly all that was of permanent 
value, and at the same time capable of 
adaptation to the altered circumstances of 
the Church, has been scrupulously retained. 
No sober son of the Church of England 


can regret that this is so. The Prayer Book 
owes its strength and beauty mainly to the 
Service-books which it has displaced. There 
are indeed elements in the present Book which 
are due to the Reformers of the sixteenth 
century, and there were such in the first Book 
of 1 549. But as a whole the Prayer Book is 
a remodelling, under the new influences which 
the Reformation called forth, of the manifold 
materials which had been placed at the dis 
posal of the Church by fifteen centuries of 
devotional life. The new Order firmly rooted 
itself in the past, whilst it opened great possi 
bilities in the future. He who would under 
stand it aright must not only be in general 
sympathy with the purposes and hopes of the 
Reformers ; he must prepare himself for the 
study of their work by following the course 
of Christian worship from the earliest times. 

Our aim in the following pages will be to 
examine the history and contents of each of 
the great liturgical collections which have 
contributed their store to the " Use of the 
Church of England," and to compare their 
services with those which correspond to them 
in the Book of Common Prayer. 



THE Prayer Book opens with an "Order for 
Morning and Evening Prayer, daily to be said 
and used throughout the year." In the Book 
of 1 549 these offices were described as Mattins 
and Evensong, and these titles survive in the 
headings to the tables of Proper Lessons for 
Sundays and holy days. The old names 
carry with them associations to which the 
English services do not altogether corre 
spond, but they serve an important purpose if 
they lead Englishmen to connect the present 
Order with the daily worship offered by their 
forefathers, and thus bear witness to the con 
tinuity of the Church s devotional life. 

It has been truly said that the ideal of the 
Christian life is perpetual fellowship with 
God. maintained by acts of prayer as frequent 
as possible l . To the Apostolic age this 

1 Duchesne, Origines, p. 431. 


ideal was new, for it is a product of the Faith 
of the Incarnation. But the Christian prac 
tice of consecrating certain moments in the 
day to acts of prayer was inherited from 
ancient Israel. Devout Jews, from the age 
of the Captivity at least, had been accustomed 
to pray three times a day 1 . The offering of 
the morning and evening sacrifice supplied 
two fitting opportunities for prayer; a third 
was found either at noonday or at the hour 
of sunset 2 . The first generation of the 
Church adopted the custom ; Peter and John 
" went up into the temple at the hour of 
prayer, being the ninth hour"; at Joppa 
Peter " went up upon the housetop to pray, 
about the sixth hour." The tradition out 
lived the separation of the Church from the 
synagogue and the destruction of the temple, 
and was maintained by Gentile believers as 
well as by those of Jewish origin. The 
Didache*) after reciting the Lord s Prayer, 
directs that it be offered thrice a day. 
Clement of Alexandria bears witness that 
there were Christians in his day who, while 
endeavouring to maintain a constant spirit 

1 Ps. lv. 17 ; Dan. vi. 10, n. 

2 J. Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. iv. p. 37 ; Schiirer, Jewish 
People, c., II, i. p. 290, n. (E. T.) ; Blass, on Acts iii. I, x. Q. 

3 C. 8. 


of prayer, set apart certain hours, such as 
the third, sixth, and ninth l . Tertullian re 
cognizes the practice as existing at Carthage, 
and commends it ; the third, sixth, and ninth 
hours seemed to him to be doubly appro 
priate, both as dividing the day into four 
equal portions, and because they are assigned 
to prayer in Holy Scripture and by the 
example of the Apostles 2 . In Cyprian s 
time the " Apostolic hours " were well estab 
lished in the regard of the African Church, 
and mystical reasons for their observance 
had already suggested themselves : the triple 
devotion pointed to the Trinity in GOD ; the 
particular hours were connected with the 
chief events of Christian history at the sixth 
hour Christ hung upon the cross, at the 
ninth He died, at the third the Spirit de 
scended 3 . 

The Apostolic Hours find no place in our 
Book of Common Prayer, nor does it appear 
that they were marked by any public services 
in the age of Cyprian. Their observance 
was left to the discretion of individuals, who 
added these hours at pleasure to their other 
seasons of private devotion. Not the day- 

1 Strom, vii. 7. 14. 2 De Orat. Dom. 24 ; de JeJ2m. 10. 
3 De Orat. Dom. 34 sq. Miniatures of these events occur 
in some of the Breviaries. 


light, but the night seems to have been 
chosen for the earliest non-eucharistic worship 
of the Church. The night services known as 
" Vigils " were doubtless suggested by the 
frequent calls to watchfulness uttered by our 
Lord and His Apostles. Christ had repre 
sented the interval between the Advents as 
a single night, during which His servants 
must keep incessant vigil l . The vigil service 
was a response to His command, expressed 
in the form of a definite act. But it was not 
at any time a daily service ; its observance 
was connected with the approach of an holy 
day. Easter Day had its vigil almost from 
the first, and Tertullian refers to the difficulty 
which a Christian woman married to a pagan 
would find in reconciling her husband to her 
absence from home during the night before 
the Paschal solemnity 2 . The solemnity of 
the Easter vigil was deepened by a tradition 
that the Second Coming of the Lord would 
surprise the world on some Easter Eve 3 . 
After a time the weekly Lord s Day claimed 
the same honour, and every Saturday night 
was marked by a vigil service ; other solemn 
days were distinguished in the same way, as, 

1 E. g. Mark xiii. 35. 2 Ad Uxor. ii. 4. 

3 Lactant. Div. Instit. vii. 19. Jerome on Matt. xxv. 8. 


for example, the weekly stationes or fasts of 
Wednesday and Friday, and the yearly com 
memorations of local martyrs, which in some 
Churches after the middle of the third cen 
tury must have added largely to the number 
of these nocturnal gatherings. But vigil 
services, however multiplied, were nowhere 
of daily occurrence, and though they may 
have yielded suggestions for the arrangement 
of the regular night Hours, it is precarious 
to assume a direct connexion between two 
systems which differed in this fundamental 

The night Hours were more probably 
the outcome of private acts of devotion l . 
" Besides the hours observed from ancient 
times" (writes St. Cyprian, shortly after A.D. 
250) "both the seasons and the mystical 
reasons for prayer have grown upon us in 
these days in the morning we must pray, to 
celebrate the Resurrection of the Lord ... as 
the sun sets and the day comes to an end 
prayer must be offered again . . . that the 
True Light may return to us ... the shadows 
of night need bring no intermission to our 
prayers, for when are we left without light if 
we have the true Light in our hearts ? We 

1 Cf. The Church Quarterly Review for Jan. 1896, art. v. 


who are ever in Christ, Who is the Light, 
ought not to desist from prayer even during 
the night hours 1 ." The Canons of Hippolytus, 
which have been taken to represent the 
practice of the Roman Church early in the 
third century 2 , reveal the beginnings of a 
Church order in connexion with these fre 
quent devotions. " Let every one be careful 
to pray earnestly at midnight, for our fathers 
have taught us that at that hour all creation 
is ready for the service of the Divine 
Majesty, and the angelic ranks and the 
souls of the just bless God; and the Lord 
testifies that at midnight a cry was heard, 
Behold the Bridegroom cometh, go ye out 
to meet Him/ Again, at the hour of cock- 
crowing prayers are to be offered in the 
churches, since the Lord says, Watch ye, 
for ye know not at what hour the Son of Man 
cometh, whether at cockcrowing or in the 
morning. " Other canons in this collection 
prescribe prayers on rising from sleep, at the 
Apostolic Hours, and at sunset. Every 
Christian is to make it his business to attend 

1 De Or at. Dom. 35. 

2 So Achelis (in Gebhardt and Harnack s Texte u. Unter- 
such. 6, vi). On the other hand Funk, Die ApostoL Konst., 
assigns these canons to a later date. The question is briefly 
discussed by Mr. A. C. Headlam in the Guardian of Feb. 12, 
1896 (p. 243). 


public prayers whenever they are held in the 
church, or if he cannot do this, to read and 
pray at home at the accustomed times 1 . 
Similar rules seem to have been observed in 
Egypt and the East during the third and 
fourth centuries. Thus the second book of 
\\\zApostolicalConstitutions directs the Bishop 
to exhort his flock to come to church daily 
at daybreak and in the evening, adding, how 
ever, that this was specially to be desired on 
Saturdays and Sundays 2 . The eighth book 
provides an order of common prayer for these 
two hours ; four others, the Apostolic Hours 
and the hour of cockcrowing, are to be ob 
served by the bishop in private, if he finds it 
impossible to assemble the faithful at church 3 . 
At Jerusalem, near the end of the fourth 
century, Silvia found four public services 
a day in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, 
mattins (gallicittium), sext, none, vespers 
(lucernarium)^ to which terce was added in 
Lent 4 . But the Church of the Anastasis at 
Jerusalem possessed unique associations, and 
it was Holy Week when Silvia was present 
at its services ; moreover the congregation 

1 Achelis, Die Canones Hippolyti, p. 131 f. 

2 C. 59- . 3 C. 33- 
Gamurrini, 6*. Stlvtae Peregr. p. 45 f. 


consisted partly of monks and virgins, partly 
of pilgrims such as Silvia herself; the 
attendance of the laity at the night hours was 
voluntary and limited (" viri aut mulieres, qui 
tamen volunt maturius vigilare"). At Con 
stantinople the laity, as Chrysostom complains, 
satisfied their consciences by assembling in 
church once a week, and even then found it 
hard to leave their worldly cares behind them l . 
St. Basil indeed opened the churches of his 
diocese for the night services, and defended 
his action by appealing to the practice of the 
Churches in Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and the 
further East 2 . But it may be doubted 
whether many were attracted beyond the 
members of the coenobite communities. To 
men of the world the hour was prohibitory, 
even if a desire for daily common prayer were 
felt beyond the monasteries. It was the ten 
dency of the age to concentrate Christian life 
in religious houses ; the leaven was being 
rapidly withdrawn from the lump, and the 
mass of the baptized retained little more than 
the form of godliness. 

With the habit of assembling in church for 
daily common prayer a fixed order of service 
came into use. "At the hour of cockcrowing," 

1 Serm. de Anna, iv. I. 2 Epp. ii. 207 (Notes, p. 212). 


the Hippolytean canons prescribe, "let the 
presbyters, subdeacons, and readers assemble 
in the church daily, together with the whole 
people, and betake themselves to devotion, to 
psalmody, the reading of the Scriptures, and 
prayers V Perhaps the earliest extant forms 
are those provided in the eighth book of the 
Constitutions for the morning and evening 
services 2 . Each office begins with a fixed 
Psalm ; bidding prayers for the various ranks 
in the congregation, from the Catechumens to 
the faithful, are recited by the Deacon ; then 
the Bishop offers prayer and gives his blessing. 
The precise form may be ideal, but the general 
order doubtless corresponds with the practice 
of the Syrian Churches in the fourth century. 
St. Basil s description of a night service, though 
it enters less into details, is more interesting, 
as the account of an eye-witness : 

" Among us the people go at night to the 
house of prayer, and in distress, affliction, and 
continual tears make confession to God. At 
last they rise from their prayers and begin 
to sing psalms. And now, divided into two 
companies, they chant antiphonally . . ; after 
wards they again commit the prelude of the 
strain to one of their number, and the rest 

1 Achelis, p. 122. 2 Cc. 33-41. 


take it up ; and so, after passing the night 
in various psalmody, praying at intervals, as 
the day begins to dawn all together as with 
one voice and one heart raise the Psalm of 
Confession (Ps. li.) to the Lord V 

Not less attractive is Silvia s picture of 
the services at Jerusalem : " From cockcrow- 
ing to daybreak hymns are said and psalms 
and antiphons sung responsively, each hymn 
being followed by a prayer. When the day 
has begun to dawn, the Mattins hymns are 
sung. Then the Bishop comes with the 
clergy . . . and offers a prayer for all ... this 
done, he blesses the catechumens, and after 
another prayer, the faithful 2 ." Similar ser 
vices followed at sext and none. At Vespers 
the church is lit up, and the Psalms of the 
Hour of Lighting (psalmi lucernarii) are said, 
together with their antiphons. Then comes 
a bidding prayer with Kyrie eleison, chanted 
at intervals by a large choir of boys. The 
Deacon conducts this litany ; and when it is 
over, the Bishop prays and gives the bene 
diction as at the end of the early service. 

But it was in the monasteries that the 
Hours found their natural home ; only those 

1 Epp. ii. 207 (Notes, p. 212). 
* Gamurrini, p. 45 f. (Notes, p. 

212 f.) 
C 2 


whose lives had been consecrated to this 
special type of religious life were able to 
maintain the constant round of prayer. Con 
secrated virgins and monks formed, as we 
have seen, the bulk of the congregation at 
the daily services which were held in the 
churches ; and where the churches failed to 
provide opportunities, they held similar ser 
vices among themselves. Thus the writer of 
the tract On Virginity attributed to Athana- 
sius, directs the virgin, whether alone or in 
company with others, to rise at night and 
repeat the fifty-first Psalm and as many other 
Psalms as can be said standing, each Psalm 
being followed by confession and prayer, with 
an Alleluia after every third. At dawn 
Psalm Ixiii. is to be recited, and after it Benc- 
dicite and the Gloria in Excelsis 1 . Among 
the Egyptian monks, according to Cassian, it 
had been the immemorial custom to recite 
twelve Psalms at Vespers and twelve at 
Nocturns ; after the Psalms came two lessons, 
one taken from the Old Testament, the other 
from the New, except on Saturdays and 
Sundays, when both came from the New 2 . 
Elsewhere the number of the Psalms sung 
at Nocturns varied according to the custom 

1 Migne, P. G. xxviii, c. 276. 2 Instit. ii. 4 sq. 


of the brotherhood ; some monastic bodies 
sang twenty or thirty Psalms each night, while 
others were content with eighteen ; others, 
again, regulated the psalmody by the length 
of the night 1 . Thus the monks of the Irish 
Bangor, in the seventh century, between 
Nov. i and March 25, sang half the Psalter 
on Saturday night and the other half on 
Sunday: between March 25 and June 24 the 
number was diminished weekly by three 
Psalms ; whilst after midsummer it was in 
creased weekly in the same proportion till it 
attained the maximum again. On the other 
nights of the week the number varied from 
thirty-six Psalms to twenty-four 2 . 

In the Egyptian monasteries, down to the 
fifth century, the brethren met but twice in the 
twenty-four hours for common prayer ; the 
other hours were observed by private devo 
tions in their cells. On the other hand, the 
religious of Syria and the East assembled for 
the Apostolic Hours, reciting three Psalms 
at each 3 . 

As monasticism spread westwards, Eastern 
practice began to colour the Western observ- 

1 Instit. ii. 2. 

2 Warren, Bangor Antiphonary^ ii. p. xi f. 
8 Cassian, Instit. iii. 289. 


ance of the Hours. But the introduction of 
the Eastern arrangements into the West was 
largely due to the zeal and enterprise of an 
individual. Early in the fifth century John 
Cassian, a Western, as it appears, and pro 
bably a native of Gaul, who had spent the 
early years of his life in a monastery at 
Bethlehem, and afterwards studied the mo 
nastic systems of Egypt and the desert, came 
to settle at Marseilles, in the heart of a 
country where monasteries abounded on every 
side. Here Cassian wrote his Institutes of 
Coenobitic Life, in which he expounded to the 
Latin West the principles of Eastern monasti- 
cism, dealing in the second and third books 
with the night and day services (de canonico 
(i) nocturnarum, (2) diurnarum oratiomim et 
psalmorum modo). From this work we are 
able not only to gather the Eastern and 
Egyptian order, but to see how far it had 
begun to prevail in the West. Cassian tells 
us, for example, that a Mattins service at 
daybreak instituted in the monastery at Beth 
lehem was " now very generally observed in 
the Western countries." This new service of 
dawn, he observes, made up the number 
of seven Hours, in conformity with the 
Psalmist s declaration, " Seven times a day 


do I praise Thee." The night services con 
sisted of Nocturns, Mattins, and Lauds ; at 
daybreak came the supplementary Mattins, 
roughly corresponding in point of time with 
the service elsewhere known as Prime l ; the 
Day Hours followed in clue course, and 
Vespers ended the services of the day. 

Cassian s work in South Gaul was continued 
by Caesarius and other Galilean prelates who 
issued Rules for their monastic institutions. 
Side by side with the monastic observance of 
the Hours, we have evidence of the existence 
in Gaul of secular services following similar 
lines, and moulded by Eastern influences. At 
Milan, also, the Eastern type seems to have 
prevailed. The Roman system, as reflected 
in the Rule of St. Benedict, who followed 
its main features, is in many ways distinct. 
The Hours are the same, except that St. Bene 
dict adds an eighth, completorium or Compline, 
a last office at night before retiring to rest. 
But the services differ from those of the Gal- 
lican monastic rules in some important points. 
On the nights when Vigils were anciently 
kept, the Mattins consist of three Nocturns. 

1 Instit. iii. 4. The usual identification with Prime is 
disputed by a writer in the Church Quarterly Review for 
Jan. 1896, and is perhaps not technically correct. 


Scripture lessons are read at each Nocturn, 
and capitula^ or short chapters, assert the 
principle of Scripture reading at the other 
Hours. The fixed Psalms of the day Hours 
are not read in their course at Nocturns and 
Vespers, so that the daily recitation is incom 
plete. Above all, the Roman services are dis 
tinguished by their rich store of antiphons 
and other variable devotions *. 

According to Eastern practice the recitation 
of the Psalms,whether in churches or in monas 
teries, was musical in character. The historian 
Socrates tells us that tradition ascribed the 
invention of antiphonal singing to Ignatius 
of Antioch 2 , and the story may be taken to 
mean that the practice began in the monastic 
communities which grew up around the Syrian 
metropolis. From Antioch it spread west 
wards. Basil enthusiastically describes the 
responsive singing of the Cappadocian Noc 
turns 3 ; Chrysostom found it in use at Con 
stantinople; at Milan it flourished under the 
sympathetic guardianship of St. Ambrose. 
Augustine, who had heard the Psalms recited 
in Africa or at Rome to the old plain song, 
was captivated by the new music, although 

1 Church Quarterly Review for Jan. 1896, p. 417 f. 

2 H. E. vi. 8. 3 Epp. ii. 207. 


his judgement pronounced at first in favour 
of a simpler style *. The slight intonation 
which resembled reading rather than singing, 
and of which the great Athanasius was 
believed to have been the author, seemed to 
him better adapted to the sober gravity of 
Divine worship. Yet he confessed that the 
new system had advantages of its own, win 
ning weaker brethren to devotion by the 
delight which it ministered to the ear. 

Rome held out longer against the innova 
tion. The Psalms were still recited there 
after the manner of reading, or with some 
slight inflexion. But the change seems to have 
come early in the fifth century ; in the Liber 
Pontificalis it is attributed to Pope Celestine 
(422-432), who ordered the Psalms to be sung 
before Mass; a later text adds the word anti- 
phonatim, representing Pope Celestine as the 
first to direct antiphonal recitation of the 
Psalter 2 . The Rule of St. Benedict refers in- 
cidentallyto the Roman psalmody, and another 
entry in the Liber Pontificalis 3 credits Pope 
Hormisdas (514-523) with the instruction of 
the Roman clergy in the new style of musical 

1 Confess, x. 33. 

2 Batiffol, Hisioire du Breviaire Remain, p. 43 ff. 
8 i. 269. 


recitation. Putting together these slight 
hints, we may infer that efforts were 
made at Rome from the fifth century to 
establish in the churches a daily musical 
service. Another Roman book, the Liber 
Di2irnus\ which, though a compilation of the 
eighth century, contains older materials, 
affords a curious illustration of the fact. 
A " suburbicarian " bishop is represented as 
promising the Pope, " I will keep daily 
vigils in the church, with all my clergy, from 
first cockcrowing to daybreak ; during the 
shorter nights, from Easter to the September 
equinox, three lessons antiphons and responds 
shall be recited, and from the September 
equinox to Easter, four. On Sundays, at 
every season, we promise to offer to God 
nine lessons with their antiphons and re 
sponds." Psalmody is not mentioned here, 
but it formed, of course, in the early Roman 
as in all other nocturns, the backbone of the 
service ; the lessons antiphons and responds 
being secondary and depending on it. It is 
interesting to observe that the antiphonal 
singing of the Psalms has brought with it 
a system of musical adjuncts, the antiphonae 
or anthems attached to the Psalms, and the 
1 Hi. 7. 


responsoria or responds which followed the 

The erection of monastic communities 
in connexion with the parishes (tituli) of 
Rome supplied the parish churches with 
clergy at liberty to conduct the daily offices, 
and qualified by their training in music 
to do so. Under the care of the basilican 
monks the day Hours were duly sung in the 
Roman churches ; terce, sext, and none, 
each had its appropriate office, and before the 
end of the eighth century prime and vespers 
were added to the list 1 . Meanwhile, a school 
of ecclesiastical music (schola can ontm) was 
formed, and Rome, though at the outset she 
had been anticipated by Antioch, Constanti 
nople, and Milan, became the instructress in 
this art of Western Europe. The Roman 
school of music was reproduced both in 
England and among the Franks; it was the 
ambition alike of the Gallican and Anijlo- 


Saxon Churches to "sing the Psalms as they 
are sung at Rome" (sicut psallit Romano, 

ecclesia 2 ). 

We have dwelt at some length on the 
history of the Hour services at Rome, because 
the Roman offices of the sixth and seventh 
1 Batiffol, p. 63 f. 2 Ib. pp. 50 f., 79 f. 


centuries supplied the groundwork of our own 
mediaeval Breviaries. Augustine and his 
colleagues, being Roman monks, brought with 
them to Kent the Roman Hours, and sang 
them daily in St. Martin s Church. " In this 
church," writes Bede, " they first began to 
assemble for worship, to sing the Psalms 
(psallere), pray, celebrate mass, preach and 
baptize ; thus imitating the apostolical life of 
the primitive Church, which served the Lord 
in frequent prayers, watchings, and fastings 1 /* 
Whatever doubts the missionaries may have 
felt with regard to the introduction of the 
Roman mass and the Roman baptismal office, 
they could not have hesitated to retain the 
Roman " Psalm-course " (ciirsus psallcndi), 
seeing that the keeping of the Hours must 
have been at first practically limited to the 
clergy. Their daily services need not have 
interfered with the Gallican Hours, which 
were still perhaps maintained at St. Martin s 
by Bishop Liudhard ; but the Gallican Use 
would naturally disappear in the next genera 
tion. In the north of England it was 
otherwise ; Celtic methods of dividing and 
singing the Psalter doubtless prevailed in 
Northumbria till the influence of Wilfrid and 

1 H. E, i. 26 (Notes, p. 213). 


Benedict Biscop turned the scale against 
them. Before the time of Bede there was 
already in the Northumbrian Church a passion 
for everything Roman. Benedict, on one of 
his visits to Rome, brought back with him no 
less a person than the precentor (archicantor) 
of St. Peter s, John, abbat of the Vatican 
monastery of St. Martin, sent by Pope Agatho 
to England for the express purpose of teach 
ing the cursus as it was sung before the Pope. 
Precentor John took up his quarters at Wear- 
mouth, whither representatives of nearly all 
the Northumbrian monasteries flocked to 
learn the Roman rite. The instruction was 
given orally, but John also left written 
directions, and copies of these were still to be 
found in the time of Becle at Wearmouth and 
elsewhere. From Bede s account we gather 
that they offered guidance upon all the details 
of the Hour services, the daily distribution of 
the Psalter, the lessons, the ritus canendi, 
embracing no doubt all the musical portions 
of the services, the antiphons and responds 
as well as the setting of the Psalms, and 
lastly the circulus anni, i. e. the changes 
required by the incidence of the seasons and 
the holy days 1 . It was doubtless in the 
1 //. E. iv. 1 8 (Notes, p. 213). 


monasteries that the LiU>m-, oi tin- Kom.m 
precentor bore most fruit. Inn serious 
.uicinpts were made to introduce il<- Hours 
into the churches, and to bring tl<- lm\ 
together to the sen |< > A,mong ih- . t. . 
ascribed to \ gbei i. AivM>i-.ho[ oi \ oi I- i 

766), but Of l.itn 01 Igin, \M- liuil ilu- lollowinj; 

stringent rules ; 

" All priests at the prop* 1 HottW o( i.i\ .iml night Alt t 
ring the bells of their i-lmu tu--., .unl u-irin.iir ilu- 

"Our fathers ordained seven serviff 
to be sung daily ,,, the clcrgj arc Uuuui u> obtervt then 

Hours as they occui l.i\ 1\ il.i\ " 

" If any cleric or nuuik, boin| m lu-.ilih i luh, -.luiii 
neglect his vigils and a.ui\ offices, U-i tum Li- deprived o( 

" If any Cleric On IUMHIU; tin- 1-r 1 li mt .U i-iu r li.i-.U-u U 

the church, he shall be sulK* i to > MMU 

Before his ordiu.ition tlu- piic.t \\.i-., ac- 
cording t^ ilu- same .unhonu , to pro> idc 

hun-.rll \\ith his "tool-,," iiu-liulni" .1 I -. .liter, 
Lection. u \ , .uul Amii hoiur\ , the books neces- 
sarj for performing tin-\- oiiu-es. As for 
the laity, their attendance was simply invited 
by the riihMiu; of ilu- i-huu-h lu-ll.-., but they 
were ex|u\-u\l to come .it least to tlu- S.iiui 
daj e> ensong, \\ ith \\ hiv-h ilu- SmuLi\ sei \ 

bc^.-in. So t-oinpK-u-l\ \\.i-. llic System n.ilu- 

ralized in Anglo-S.i\ou, ih.u 

\ loiiri rectiv- l l -n; ii. H. for* 

father! in daj . Utfon: ili<- < on<ju< - <,\ 

Illll n,," (Miilhn .; gffa ,, ; | 

itfhed from M.Him .;, // ///, vndn // 

v///; i J - . . //"// 

f t , it ong (V tpei w ./^ ^njJiii -; . 

W<- n ..i.i i -r 

liirli v. -p- li-r : rl/-il for^ n-Ml;ilioii 
ol lln: |.iii I lif: : li-i v: ;ili 

. mentioned in* id< nta I ! - l -..ili -r 
A < cmi /i for tl 

of i . ;in i clergy irho knew tin: 

i lu-art. I IK : - \,< \-\\.i\, . ill : 

.1. vvlii* .. 
;iflmiv.ion lo ill - pri --jli > ^i or < j>ivoj,.v 

, - oul l noi. i- Psalter C 

memory- rider 

opt* . OJ :.. i y ..:!: . 
;i inon;! 

. . - . . ! -.. no 

mean* limi:<-<l to the I fclmi of i >.-ivi/i ; it. 

in ItldC ^ili r Iff 

i . ... . ted with 

of in I- .;.... i . ren the fifrli 
le, known as tli - 

iii^iriu || ;it 1. . of it-> 

Pialtei a i 

F*th*rt,\ 1 1 


followed by the Gloria in Excelsis (fyvos 
^oy), which, as we have seen, formed a part 
of the night office recommended to conse 
crated virgins by the writer of the Athanasian 
tract on Virginity. These canticles were sung 
at the Mattin-lauds, and it was customary to 
annex them to Psalters written for liturgical 
use. Other additions followed ; thus the 
great Canterbury MS. of the eighth century, 
known as the Psalter of St. Augustine (Vesp. 
A. i), contains hymns as well as canticles, 
whilst a later hand has added the Te Deuni 
and the Quicunque, with certain prayers. 
The next step was to include the antiphons 
and responds connected with the night Hours, 
and for the convenience of the reader these 
were not relegated to an appendix, but dove 
tailed with the Psalms. We shall return to 
this point when we come to the Psalter of 
the Breviary ; for the present it is sufficient 
to note the tendency to swell and compli 
cate the Psalter by the insertion of foreign 

The Antiphonary, as a book connected 
with the services of the Hours, contained 
the antiphons to the Psalms, and the re 
sponds and verses which followed the 
lessons ; the hymns, little chapters, and other 


musical portions of the offices were often 
added. An antiphon is a sentence appointed 
to be recited before a Psalm or group of 
Psalms and repeated at the end. It seems to 
have had its origin in the prelude which 
struck the keynote and began the melody of 
the musical setting 1 . In singing the prelude 
the precentor used a few words taken from 
the Psalm itself or based upon it, and the 
clause thus selected to begin and end the 
antiphonal rendering acquired from it the 
name of anliphona. But if the antiphon 
originated in the exigencies of antiphonal 
singing, it soon acquired another and more 
important office. As the music of the anti 
phon prepared the choir for the singing of 
the Psalm, so its words fixed the sense in 
which the Psalm was to be understood on 
each occasion 2 . An example or two will 
make this clear. In the Sarum Mattins for 
Christmas Day the first nocturn or portion of 
the Psalter proceeded thus: "Antiphon. The 
Lord said to me, Thou art My Son, this day 
have I begotten thee. Psalm ii. Anliphoti. 
As a bridegroom the Lord cometh from His 
chamber. Psalm xix. Antiphon. Grace is 

1 Gevaert, La Melopes Antique, p. 84. 

2 Cp. Neale, Essays on Liturgiology , p. 15 f. 



poured upon thy lips, therefore God hath 
blessed thee for ever. Psalm xlv." On 
Easter Day the second Psalm occurs again 
at Mattins, but its antiphon is changed to an 
Easter note : 

" I asked my Father. Alleluia. 
He gave me the nations. Alleluia. 
For mine inheritance. Alleluia." 

In its earliest phase the antiphon seems to 
have been intercalated between the verses 
of the Psalms as well as recited at the 
beginning and end. This arrangement sur 
vived in the anthems appropriated to the 
Ve)iite, known as Invitatories. The Invita- 
tory was repeated nine times during the 
course of Ps. xcv. Perhaps it was owing 
to the weariness which this repetition induced 
that the Prayer Book of 1549 directed the 
Venite to be (< said or sung without any 
Invitatory." The Invitatory, however, re 
lieved the monotony of the daily Venite, 
giving to it a special colouring on each day 
of the week, and at each season of the year. 
Thus in the Sarum ferial Mattins the Invi 
tatories are varied in the course of the week 
as follows : 

Monday. " O come let us sing unto the Lord." 
Tuesday." Let us heartily rejoice in God our Saviour." 


Wednesday. " In Thy hands, O Lord, are all the corners 
of the earth." 

Thursday. "Let us worship the Lord, for He hath 
made us." 

Friday. " The Lord Who hath made us, O come let us 

Saturday. " The Lord our God, O come let us worship." 

The seasons brought yet greater variety, 
connecting the opening words of the Psalm 
with the fact commemorated. Thus the 
Advent Invitatory, " The King, Who is to 
come, the Lord, O come let us worship," was 
exchanged on Christmas Day for " Christ is 
born to us : O come," &c. ; whilst on Easter 
Day it became " Alleluia, Alleluia, Alleluia : 
the Lord is risen again. Alleluia, Alleluia." 

The responds to the Lessons were selected 
with equal skill, and served the purpose of 
assisting meditation upon the short passages 
of Scripture which preceded them, while at 
the same time they supplied materials for 
a musical setting which enhanced the beauty 
of the service. Sometimes these responsoria 
filled a separate volume known as the Re- 
sponsoriale, but their usual place was in the 
Antiphonary, where they followed the anti- 
phons in the order of the Sunday and week 
day services throughout the year. 

It will be readily understoood that the 
D 2 


mediaeval Antiphonary was a book of con 
siderable size; indeed it was usually necessary 
to break it up for binding into several MSS. 
Not only were the contents voluminous, but 
for the convenience of the precentor and the 
choir both words and music were written in 
as large and bold a hand as possible. A 
volume in the writer s possession, containing 
the antiphons, &c., from the octave of the 
Epiphany to the first Sunday in Lent, con 
sists of 134 pages measuring 24 x 16 inches, 
and the letters are four-sixths of an inch in 
length ; and many of the books written for 
great churches or monasteries were on a yet 
larger scale. Earlier MSS. of this class in 
which the musical notes were simply newnes^ 
i. e. notes dotted above the words without the 
use of lines, were less bulky, but the book 
must always have been costly, and the diffi 
culty of providing copies for the parish 
churches considerable 1 . 

The Lectionary contained the lessons to 
be read at Mattins. Of such a collection 
some early copies survive; in Sir E. Maunde 
Thompson s Manual of Palaeography 2 the stu 
dent may see specimens of handwriting from a 
Luxeuil Lectionary dated A. D. 669 and another 

1 See c. i. 2 p. 228. 

















pifP S 
paEi* Q 


written at Monte Cassino in the eleventh cen 
tury. The Lcctionarius was properly a book 
of Scriptural lections only ; the entire corpus 
of Mattins lessons known as the Legenda 
includes patristic and hagiological extracts. 
For these, separate books were usually 
needed : the Sermologus and Homiliarius sup 
plied the patristic sermons and expositions, the 
Legendarius contained the Acts of the Saints, 
the Passionarius the sufferings of the Martyrs. 
Sometimes in place of the Lectionarius the 
reader used the Bible, significantly described 
as the Bibliotheca in itself a library of books 1 . 
Yet this account does not exhaust the 
books used in the singing of the daily offices. 
The office hymns were gathered into the 
Hymnariwn.tive. collects into the Collectarium, 
and it would be easy to add to the list. It 
is not of course to be inferred that all these 
books were to be found from the eighth 
century onwards in every church or monas 
tery, or that the collections were everywhere 
uniform in their contents or bore identical 
names. But there was a tendency from the 
first to gather the several factors of the daily 
offices into separate codices, in which the 

1 Cp. Maskell, Dissertation on Service Books (in Mon. Rtt. 
i. p. xxii f. ) ; Procter and Wordsworth, Sar. Brev. iii. p. 
xxiv f. 


more homogeneous elements were grouped 
together at the pleasure of the compilers, 
but more or less after a traditional and con 
ventional way. 

One is almost surprised that no effort was 
made during the great ecclesiastical revival 
of Charlemagne s time to bring these col 
lections into a single and portable form, 
a Breviarium or compendium of the daily 
offices, as it was afterwards called. But the 
idea did not suggest itself, or it was aban 
doned as impracticable. A Breviarium was 
indeed drawn up by Alcuin for the use of 
the court, but it was merely a book of private 
devotions, quite distinct from the monastic 
and ecclesiastical services of the Hours 1 . 
Charles made it his business to supply the 
clergy with amended copies of the lessons, 
and for this end he intrusted the revision of 
the Vulgate to Alcuin, and that of the Homi- 
liarius to Paul the Deacon. But the very 
natural step of gathering the whole mass of 
devotional literature connected with the 
Hours into one codex, seems not to have 
been taken before the end of the eleventh 
century. At least, the earliest known manu 
script of this kind is dated in the year 1099 2 . 
1 Batiffol, p. 194. 2 Id, p. 195. 


It bears the title Incipit Breviarium sive 
Ordo officiorum, and contains the Psalter 
and canticles, the hymns of the daily offices, 
the collects, the antiphons and responds, the 
capitula for the day Hours, and the lessons and 
responds proper to certain classes of saints. 
It is not a complete collection, for the lessons 
for Sundays and ordinary week-days are 
wanting, but, so far as we know, it is the first 
book of the kind ; and it is worthy of notice 
that this earliest Breviary, like the system 
of Hours which it aimed at codifying, had its 
birth in monastic surroundings, for it was 
written in the Benedictine house at Monte 
Cassino. Rome found it convenient to ac 
cept the principle of the Breviary ; from the 
beginning of the fourteenth century we find 
MSS. bearing the title Breviarium secundum 
Usum Romanae Curiae. 

In England the common Breviary was 
known by another name. Our Norman fore 
fathers called it the Portiforium, the book, 
that is, which the priest carried with him 
when he went upon his travels (liber quern 
portal secum for as}. In Anglo-French this 
word became portehors ; in the vernacular 
it degenerated into porthos, portos, portuisse, 
portasse, portous, and other forms. The 


name was already used in the thirteenth 
century ; a visitation of the Treasury of 
St. Paul s in the year 1295 mentions among 
the books of the cathedral church nnnni 
portiforium plenariinn, a complete Breviary 
or portos. Yet the word breviarium was 
not entirely superseded by portiforium ; the 
latter, as its derivation indicates, belonged in 
strict use to the portable book which was the 
constant companion of the ecclesiastic ; the 
former was chiefly employed for the great 
MSS., written for use in choir, which gave 
the Mattins lessons at full length. But the 
Great Breviary was a comparatively rare 
book. While more than fifty editions of 
the Portifory were issued from the press 
between 1475 an d 155 7, only five editions 
of the Great Breviary are known (Venice, 
1494-5; Rome, J 496; London, 1506; Paris, 
1516 and I53I) 1 . The smaller book was the 
one which the laity were accustomed to see 
in the priest s hand, and the numerous cor 
ruptions of portehors which occur in English 
texts show how familiar the word must have 
been to all classes of the English laity 2 . 
It was the Breviary or Portifory of the 

1 Procter and Wordsworth, Sarum Breviary, iii. p. xli f. 

2 Maskell, i. p. Ixxxvii f. 


Church of Salisbury (Breviarium secundum 
Usum Ecclesiae Sarwn) which supplied our 
Reformers with the basis of their reconstruc 
tion of the daily prayers. This book, which 
had become extremely scarce and dear, has 
recently been reprinted by the Cambridge 
University Press, under the editorship of two 
eminent liturgical scholars, Messrs. F. Procter 
and C. Wordsworth. It will be convenient to 
use the Cambridge edition in describing the 
contents of the Sarum Breviary. 

The Breviary contained the Hour services 
of the year arranged under four heads, the 
Psalter, the " Proper of Time/ the " Common 
of Saints/ and the " Proper of Saints/ To 
these we must add the Kalendar and the 
" Ordinale " or " Pie," which were necessary 
as guides to the use of the book *. 

The Sarum Psalter, as we have already 
hinted, was far from being, like the Psalter 
of the Book of Common Prayer, a mere 
transcript of the Book of Psalms, divided 
into sections, to be said or sung in rotation 
during a certain period of time. It contained, 
in fact, the substance of the services for the 
Sundays and week-days throughout the year, 

1 Procter and Wordsworth, Sarum Breviary^ ii. p. viii f. 


so far as the daily services were not affected 
by special provision for the season or for 
the holy days. In other words the Breviary 
Psalter was, in liturgical language, the " com 
mon of time" for the Hours; it supplied 
everything that was essential to the services 
apart from the special requirements of par 
ticular days, all that was common to all days 
alike. All the Hours found a place in the 
Psalter, for the recitation of Psalms is the 
principal feature in every one of the daily 
offices. But the Psalms were sung in regular 
course only at Mattins and Vespers, just as 
since the Reformation they are said and sung 
in course at Morning and Evening Prayer. 
Before the Reformation the course was 
weekly, and instead of the Psalms being 
resumed at Evensong at the point where the 
choir had broken off at Mattins, they were 
divided into two sections (Ps. i-cix, cx-cl), 
of which the first was reserved for Mattins, 
and the second for Vespers. The other 
Hours had fixed Psalms assigned to them, 
and after the Roman practice these Psalms 
were passed over at Mattins and Vespers, 
when they occurred in the daily course. 
Moreover, the weekly course was constantly 
interrupted by the preference which was given 


to the Psalms proper to the season or to 
a holy day, so that the recitation of the 
Psalms was by no means so regular as 
a hasty glance at the Psalter of the Breviary 
would lead the student to suppose. As 
a matter of fact, as Dr. Neale points out, 
" a few of them were repeated over and over 
again, and the rest left utterly unsaid l " 
Mattins alone had the distinction of pos 
sessing lessons, the others Hours, Vespers 
included, having only capitula, i. e. short 
sentences from the Epistles, rarely exceeding 
a verse in length 2 . But the Mattins lessons 
were not in the Psalter, for they belonged 
to the " proper of time, being variable not 
merely with the day of the \veek, but from 
day to day throughout the year. 

We are now prepared to examine the 
structure of the daily services. Each office 
begins, after private devotions, with sen 
tences nearly corresponding to those which 
still stand near the beginning of our 
Order of Morning and Evening Prayer. 
After the sentences at Mattins follow the 
Venite, a Hymn, the Psalms in the order 

1 Essays, p. 13. 

2 In cathedral, collegiate, and monastic houses, certain 
lections were attached to prime. 


of their course, with Lessons after each 
Nocturn of Psalms, the whole being ended 
on festivals by the Te Deiim. At Lauds, 
Vespers, and Compline, the sentences are 
succeeded by the Psalms (fixed, at Lauds 
and Compline, but at Vespers recited in their 
course), a capitulum, hymn, canticle and 
preces or suffrages. At Prime, Terce, Sext, 
and None the order is : Sentences, Hymn, 
fixed Psalms, capitulum, preces. Thus while 
all the services have certain common 
elements, each group is distinguished by 
features peculiar to itself, as well by the order 
in which the common elements occur. 
Mattins stands alone, marked by its Venite 
and Lessons ; Vespers, which shares with 
Mattins the daily course of the Psalms, 
agrees in structure with Lauds and Com 
pline, all the three possessing a Gospel 
canticle; Prime, and the Apostolic Hours 
are without the canticle and differ in arrange 
ment from both the other groups x . 

Passing from structure to matters of detail, 
we note that Sunday Mattins consisted of 
three nocturns, the first of which contained 
twelve Psalms, grouped under three Glorias 

1 See Mr. W. C. Bishop s useful tables in P. and W. 
(iii. p. xxxii). 


and Antiphons, while to the second and third 
were assigned three Psalms each. On other 
festivals nine Psalms were sung, each having 
its own Gloria and Antiphon ; on ordinary 
week-days (feriae) twelve Psalms, under six 
Glorias and Antiphons. Each group of 
Psalms was followed by three Lessons, i.e. 
by a Lesson divided into three sections, every 
section being preceded by a benediction and 
followed by a respond. Thus on Sundays 
there was ordinarily eighteen Psalms and 
nine Lessons ; on week-days, not being 
festivals, twelve Psalms and three Lessons; 
on festivals, not being Sundays, nine Psalms 
with three lessons or nine, according to the 
number of Nocturns. Eastertide and Whit 
suntide were distinguished by having only 
one nocturn at Mattins, with three Psalms 
and three Lessons. When there were three 
nocturns, the first system of lessons was 
generally taken from Holy Scripture, and 
the passages were consecutive or chosen on 
the ground of some common reference ; thus 
the lessons of the first nocturn on Advent 
Sunday were Isa. i. 1-4, 5-9, 10-15, an d 
those of the first nocturn of Christmas Day, 
Isa. ix. 1-8, xl. i-i i, lii. i-io. For the second 
and third systems, patristic expositions or 


homilies were commonly used, and on Saints 
Days, the lives of the saints and passions of 
the martyrs. Each lesson was preceded by 
a benediction and followed by a respond. 

Lauds began after the last lesson, or on 
Sundays and festivals after the Te Deum, 
which on those days followed the lessons. 
Nominally, Lauds had five Psalms, each 
followed by its Gloria ; but the fourth 
" Psalm " consisted of the Old Testament 
canticles, and the fifth of Pss. cxlviii-cl, the 
laudes (alvoi) with which in the early days of 
monasticism it had been customary to greet 
the break of day. A capitulum and a hymn 
followed the Psalms ; then came an invariable 
Gospel canticle, the Benedictus^ and the office 
ended with suffrages and a collect (pratio). 
Prime and the three next Hours had also their 
fixed Psalms ; for Prime were appointed Pss. 
xxii xxvi, Iv, cxviii, and the last two sections 
of Ps. cxix, the remainder of the last-named 
Psalm being divided between Terce, Sext, 
and Nones. A distinguishing feature of 
Prime in England was the daily recitation of 
the Athanasian Creed ; it was marked also 
by its lengthy suffrages. 

The vesper Psalms were five in number, 
recited as at Mattins in regular course. 


The invariable canticle of Vespers was 
Magnificat ; Nunc Dimittis was reserved for 
Compline. Compline appears in the Sarum 
Psalter under twenty- two different forms, cor 
responding to the seasons of the Church year. 
With Lauds and Vespers it has a Gospel 
canticle : like Prime it possesses a wealth of 
preces\ and these features are invariable, only 
the Psalms, Hymn and Capitulum being 
changed in the several forms of the office. 

The Psalter contains, as we have said, the 
" Common of Time/ The " Proper of Time," 
or Temporale, adds the variations of the 
weekly round occasioned by the seasons of 
the Christian year. To some extent changes 
of this nature are familiar to English Church 
men, for the principle is recognised in our 
present Prayer Book ; the daily Order, for 
example, is broken by the change once a 
week at least of the " Collect for the Day" ; 
on Easter Day the Venite gives place to the 
" Easter Anthems/ and for every day in the 
year there are appointed either daily or 
" proper Lessons. But these departures 
from the usual order are slight indeed when 
compared with those which were necessary 
under the old system. Every Sunday 
throughout the year and nearly every week- 


clay brought its own contribution, not merely 
of lessons and collects, but of hymns, anti- 
phons, responds, capitula. The Lessons 
however formed the bulk of the Temporale\ 
as we have seen, they had no place in the 
Psalter, and the daily lessons of the whole 
year had to be sought in the " Proper of 
Time." Under our present system a kalendar 
suffices, but where the lessons were taken 
not only from Holy Scripture but from the 
Fathers and the lives of the saints and acts 
of the martyrs, it was impossible to escape 
from the necessity of copying them in full 
into the great Church Breviaries. 

The complications introduced by the 
" Proper of Time " were increased by the 
" Common " and " Proper of Saints." These 
two sections of the Breviary supplied the 
offices proper to the fixed non-Dominical holy 
days. The "Common of Saints" provided 
those which belonged equally to a whole 
class of saints, e.g. apostles or martyrs or 
virgins ; the " Proper of Saints," those which 
were peculiar to a particular saint. 

In the attempt to work into a connected 
whole the materials to be drawn from these 
four sources, the mediaeval clergy were 
assisted by two other portions of the Breviary, 


the Kalendar and the Ordinale. The kalen- 
dar of the Breviary was in the main a list of 
the fixed festivals written against the days of 
the year on which they fell. Beside the fixed 
Dominical holy days, the Nativity, Circum 
cision, and Epiphany, and the days sacred to 
the saints of the New Testament, it contained 
also the festivals of a large but uncertain 
number of ecclesiastical saints. Local in 
fluences determined the addition or omission of 
many of these names from the kalendar, just 
as they determined the addition or omission 
of commemorations in the " Proper of Saints." 
As soon as the saint had been recognized. 


his name was added to the local kalendar; 
and by consulting the kalendar the priest 
could see at a glance on what day his festival 
was to be observed. Further, the kalendar 
was usuallyaccompanied by calculations which 
enabled him to discover the incidence of the 
movable feasts, such as are still given after 
the tables of lessons in our Book of Common 

Yet the kalendar alone carried the priest 
but a little way. Indeed, his difficulties began 
when he had learnt from it the name of the 
saint or saints to be commemorated on a 
particular day. As one of the days of the 


week, the Saint s Day was provided with a 
service in the Psalter ; as one of the days of 
the ecclesiastical year, a further provision was 
made for it in the Temporale ; and now the 
Sane tor ale came in to add to his perplexity. 
Moreover, there might be conflicting claims 
to reconcile, as for instance when a Saint s 
Day coincided with a great Sunday or 
Dominical holy day. But here again the 
Breviary supplied the desired guidance. The 
Ordinale taught the clergy how to regulate 
" the relative precedence to be given to Sun 
day, Saint s Day, Commemoration, and week 
day services/ It consisted of tables arranged 
according to the Sunday letters, and present 
ing every possible combination of services *. 
In the printed edition of the Sarum Breviary 
the Ordinale, or, as it is also called, the Pica 
Sarum, or, in English, the " Pie," is broken 
up into sections which are inserted in the 
Temporale at certain intervals. At the end 
of the fifteenth century the clergy had a more 
convenient guide to the Breviary services 
in the Directorium Sacerdotnm of Clement 
Maydeston; but the "Pie" retained its place 

1 See P. and W. ii. p. xii, and for a further account, iii. 
p. Ixiii ff. Also C. Wordsworth, Tracts of C. Maydeston 


in the printed Breviaries. A glance at the 
Cambridge edition of the Sarum Breviary 1 
will enable the reader to judge for himself 
whether Cranmer was justified in his criticism : 
"the number and hardness of the rules 
called the Pie, and the manifold changings of 
the Service was the cause, that to turn the 
Book only was so hard and intricate a matter, 
that many times there was more business to 
find out what should be read, than to read it 
when it was found out." 

The need of reform had long been felt on 
the Continent, and a radical revision of the 
Roman Breviary was attempted some years 
before the appearance of the English Order 
for Mattins and Evensong. The Spaniard, 
Fernandez de Quinones, commonly known 
as Cardinal Quignon, General of the Francis 
can Order in Spain, and the trusted friend of 
Popes Clement VII and Paul III, was the 
author of this reformed Breviary 2 ; and so 
large was the demand for the work that it 
was reprinted six times between February, 
1535, and July, 1536, and the second edition 
was issued from the press some twenty times 

1 E. g. P. and W., i. p. i, &c. 

2 Neale Essays, p. 3 f., and Dr. J. Wickham Legg s 
preface to the Cambridge reprint of Quignon s work (1888). 

E 2 


before its final withdrawal in 1566. Yet, in 
the first edition at least, the mediaeval ser 
vices were revolutionized. The whole system 
of antiphons, responds, capitula, the entire 
musical setting of the offices which from the 
eighth century had been the pride of the 
Roman Church, was swept away at a stroke. 
Even the weekly recitation of the Psalter at 
Mattins and Vespers disappeared, and three 
fixed Psalms were attached to each office of 
the Hours. The lessons of Mattins were 
reduced to three, one from each Testament, 
the third taken from the Acts or Epistles, or 
if it was a Saint s Day, a reading from the life 
of the saint. The number of Saints Days 
was largely diminished, and the Temporale or 
Sanctorale were brought within limits which 


to the adherents of the old order must have 
appeared meagre indeed. 

That Cranmer not only knew Ouignon s 
work, but was to some extent influenced by it, 
must be obvious to any oi^e who has been 
at the pains to compare the preface in which 
the Spanish cardinal dedicated the revised 
Breviary to Paul III with that which the 
English Reformers prefixed to their first 
Book of Common Prayer. The English 
preface, still printed in our Prayer Books 


under the sub-title Concerning the Service of 
the Church, is largely indebted to Quignon, 
and in places is almost a translation of his 
address to the Pope l . Nevertheless, the 
first English Order for Daily Prayer is very 
far from being a servile imitation of Quignon s 
revision. Cranmer s purpose differed funda 
mentally from Quignon s ; he desired to pro 
duce not merely a good manual of devo 
tions for the clergy, but a Book of Common 
Prayer. The design developed itself in his 
mind very gradually. In 1542 the Sarum 
Breviary was made obligatory on the whole 
province of Canterbury a first step towards 
uniformity. In the same year it was ordered 
that " the Curate of every Church, after the 
Te Deum and Magnificat, shall openly read 
unto the people one chapter of the New 
Testament in English, and when the New 
Testament is read over, then to begin the 
Old " a first step towards the use of the 
vernacular. The next year the Archbishop 
brought down to Convocation a Royal 
message in favour of the reform of the 
Service-books, in which the portasses were 
mentioned by name. On receiving this, 
Convocation proceeded to appoint two 

1 Palmer, 0? igines Litui gicae, \. p. 229 ff. 


bishops, with six assessors from the Lower 
House, to inquire and report. Nothing more 
is heard of this committee till after the death 
of Henry, when one of the first acts of the 
clergy was to move for a report of the results 
at which it had arrived. But in the interval 
Cranmer at least had not been idle. Two 
MS. schemes for the reform of the daily 
offices have been lately brought to light, 
which show how the conception had grown 
in the Archbishop s mind. The first of these 
schemes " follows the old order of Breviary 
Services, and may be described as Sarum 
material worked up under Quignon in 
fluence. The second comes nearer to the 
form of Morning and Evening Prayer in the 
first printed Prayer Book of Edward VI. . . 
The preface of this latter scheme is mani 
festly an earlier draft of the English preface 
of the Book of 1 549." With regard to details, 
the earlier scheme provides for all the Hours, 
while the latter retains only Mattins and 
Vespers, with a monthly recitation of the 
Psalms, and the reading of Scriptural lessons 
in English. The discovery of these docu 
ments is of considerable importance, because 
it shows how Cranmer, who was largely 
concerned in the final issue of the English 


Prayer Book, felt his way from point to point, 
neither blindly following earlier reformers, 
whether Roman or Lutheran, nor on the other 
hand despising their help where it served the 
purpose he had in view l . 

When the new Order was at length 
matured and given to the world, it contained 
little which was not in the Sarum Breviary. 
The genius of Cranmer was shown not so 
much in creating new materials as in re 
arranging, compressing, and popularizing 
services which in their mediaeval form were 
adapted only for monastic or clerical use. 
The Hours were reduced to two, but the two 
were those which in the earliest times had 
alone been marked by assemblies for common 
psalmody and prayer. Moreover, the two 
offices retained by the English Church repre 
sented in their contents five out of the eight 
mediaeval offices. The new Order for Mattins 
was in fact a compression of the Sarum 
Mattins, Lauds, and Prime, the new Evensong 
included materials selected from Vespers and 
Compline ; only the Apostolic Hours, which 
before the days of monasticism had been left 
to private devotion, were not represented in 

1 Gasquet and Bishop, Edward VI and the B. of C. P., 
p. 16 f. ; cf. the Appendices. 


the English Book of Common Prayer, 
following table will make this clear. 

English Mattins. 

Lord s Prayer 
Versicles, Gloria (Alleluia) 

Psalms, with Gloria 
Lesson from O. T. 
Te Deuiii 


From Sarum Mattins. 

Lesson from N. T. 

Lord s Prayer 


Collect of the day 

Collect for peace 

Collect for grace 

From Sarum Lauds. 
From Sarum Prime. 

From Sarum Lauds. 
From Sarum Prime. 

English Evensong. 
Lord s Prayer 
Versicles, Gloria (Alleluia) 

Psalms, with Gloria ^-From Sarum Evensong. 

Lesson from O. T. 
Lesson from N. T. 
Nunc Dimittis 



Lord s Prayer 


Collect of the day 

Collect for peace 

Collect for aid 

From Sarum Compline. 

From Sarum Evensong. 

From Sarum Compline. 


Subsequent revisions of the Prayer Book 
have introduced into the English Mattins and 
Evensong elements foreign to the ancient 
Hours. Under this head we must place the 
Exhortation, Confession, and Absolution, pre 
fixed to Morning Prayer in 1552 ; the supple 
mentary Prayers for the Sovereign and the 
Royal Family, for the Clergy and People, with 
the Prayer of St. Chrysostom, finally added in 
1662 ; lastly, the special Prayers and Thanks 
givings, mostly of the Caroline period. The 
permission to use certain alternative canticles 
from the Old Testament in place of the Gospel 
canticles at Mattins and Evensong, is another 
departure from Sarum mediaeval practice, 
-although ancient precedent is not wanting for 
the use of Old Testament canticles in other 
offices. But while the daily services have re 
ceived, since 1549, many accessions from non- 
Sarum sources with one partial exception they 
have lost no ancient element which they then 
possessed. The exception is the Alleluia 
ordered by the first Prayer Book to be said 
near the beginning of Mattins and Evensong 
from Easter to Trinity Sunday. It disappeared 
in 1552, but in its place there has since been 
heard throughout the year the English re 
sponse, " The Lord s Name be praised/ 



THE Liber Missalis, Missale, or Missal, 
contained the service known to the Western 
Church as the missa, and by our Anglo-Saxon 
forefathers called " maesse," the Mass 1 . 
Missa, another form of the Latin word missio, 
had been applied to the Eucharistic Office 
before the end of the fourth century. On 
the Palm Sunday of the year 385, Ambrose, 
Bishop of Milan, was disturbed at church by 
tidings of an Arian rising. He describes the 
incident in a letter to his sister, and adds, 
" But I stood firm at my post, and began to 
celebrate mass (mis <; am facer e coepi) 2 ." The 
word means simply " dismissal." "In churches, 
palaces, and law-courts," writes Avitus of 
Vienne at the end of the fifth century, " the 
people are discharged from their attendance 
by the proclamation missa fit, " you are dis- 

1 Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, i. p. 436. See 
also Notes, p. 214. a Ep. 20. 


missed 1 ." In the Eucharistic service there 
were anciently two wissac, or dismissals ; the 
catechumens were sent away after the sermon, 
the baptized, if in full communion with the 
Church, remained till the end of the liturgy, 
and were then dismissed in the words which 
still stand at the end of the Roman Mass, 
1. v, r;: ssa est. " After the sermon," Au 
gustine preaches 2 , "the catechumens receive 
their dismissal (missa fit catcchumenis) ; the 
faithful will stay." Hence the two portions 
of the service acquired the names of n::<si 
catec/tumcnorum and missa fidelium, while 
the service as a whole was popularly spoken 
of as missat, solemma missarum, or simply 
..-.:. The word was used occasionally of 
other services ; thus in connexion with a 
monastic community we read of vigiliarum 
missa s , psalmomm missae, and the like ; but 
the Eucharist being the only public service 
ordinarily attended by the laity, it was natural 
that it should in the end acquire an exclusive 
t to a term which had come to mean an 
assembly gathered for religious worship. 

The .Kucharist was instituted at a social 
but sacred meal. The Passover meal was 

1 Eft. i. 

1 S&m* 49 8. 

* E.g. Cassian, /Jttfr/. Hi. 8. C Du Gauge, s. v. 


a feast upon a sacrifice, and as such it was 
regulated by a ritual based partly on the 
Mosaic law, partly on custom. The law of 
the Passover prescribed the eating of a cake 
of unleavened bread ; custom had added the 
filling and drinking of cups of wine mingled 
with water. Other Paschal ceremonies were 
the solemn blessing and elevation of the Cup, 
a ceremonial washing of hands, and after the 
meal the recitation of " the great Hallel " 
(Pss. cxv-cxviii). At what exact point or 
points in the ritual of the Passover, the 
Eucharist was instituted cannot be determined 
beyond doubt from the narratives of the 
Synoptists and of St. Paul. The true text 
of St. Luke seems to place the Cup first l ; 
whereas St. Paul distinctly states that the 
Cup was consecrated " after supper." But 
for our present purpose it is sufficient to 
realize that the new institution was grafted 
upon a social meal, which was at the same 
time a religious act, connected with a definite 
ritual and with certain liturgical forms 2 . 
From the first it was understood by the 

1 See Westcott and Hort, Notes on Select Readings, p. 63 f. 

2 For a full discussion of the connexion between the 
ceremonies of the Passover and the Eucharist, see Bickell, 
Missa u. Pascha, or Skene, Passover Ritual. The subject i 
discussed in a more popular manner in the Dawn of Day for 
1896 (S.P.C.K.). 


Church that the Eucharist was not intended to 
be merely an annual commemoration like the 
Passover, and the Apostolic Church celebrated 
it on the first day of every week or even 
daily 1 . It was therefore at once detached 
from the Passover, but for a generation or 
two the custom continued of connecting it 
with a social meal of another kind. Once 
a day or once a week the Christian brother 
hood met at a common repast, the " Agape," 
so named after the new Christian virtue 
which bound them together in one ; and their 
love-feast culminated in the solemn act which 
the Lord had commanded to be done as His 
memorial. But no sooner had the Church 
taken root in Gentile soil than the common 
meal was found to be a source of danger. 
St. Paul describes the excesses by which it 
was desecrated at Corinth, and the picture 
which St. Jude draws is still more discourag 
ing 2 . The agape seems nevertheless to have 
maintained its connexion with the Eucharist 
in the early years of the second century, for 
Ignatius of Antioch tells the Church of 
Smyrna that " it is not permissible apart from 
the bishop either to baptize or to hold an 

1 Acts ii. 46 ; xx. 7. 

2 Jude 12 ; cf. 2 Pet. ii. 13. 


agape (dydwrjv TTOI 6?i>)," where the juxtaposition 
of baptism and the agape has been rightly 
taken to show that the Eucharist was still 
included in the latter 1 . The liturgical forms 
in the Didache 2 are most naturally explained 
on the same hypothesis ; they are as follows : 
" As touching the Eucharist, we give thanks 
on this wise. First for the Cup: We thank 
Thee, our Father, for the holy Vine of Thy 
servant David, which Thou didst make known 
to us through Thy Servant Jesus ; to Thee be 
glory for ever/ And for the broken Bread : 
We thank Thee, our Father, for the life and 
knowledge which Thou didst make known to 
us through Thy Servant Jesus ; to Thee be 
glory for ever. As this broken bread was 
once scattered upon the mountains, and being 
gathered together became one, so let Thy 
Church be gathered together from the ends 
of the earth into Thy kingdom ; for Thine is 
the glory and the power through Jesus Christ 
for ever . . / After the meal (//era e TO efjLir\r r 
o-fl^ai), give thanks on this wise : We give 
thanks to Thee, Holy Father, for thy Holy 
Name which Thou didst make to dwell in 
our hearts, and for the knowledge, faith, and 
immortality made known to us through Thy 

1 Ep. ad Smyrn. 8 (see Bp. Lightfoot s) note. 

2 C. 10, cf. cc. 14, 15 (Notes, p. 214 f.). 


Servant Jesus ; to thee be glory for ever. 
Thou, Almighty Lord, didst create all things 
for Thy Name s sake ; Thou didst bestow food 
and drink upon men to enjoy, that they might 
give Thee thanks, and to us Thou didst grant 
spiritual food and drink and eternal life through 
Thy Servant. Before all things we give Thee 
thanks that Thou art mighty; to Thee be 
the glory for ever. Remember, Lord, Thy 
Church, to save it from all evil, and to perfect 
it in Thy love ; and gather it from the four 
winds that Church which was sanctified for 
Thy kingdom, which Thou didst prepare for 
it ; for Thine is the power and the glory for 
ever. * Let grace come, and this world pass 
away. Hosanna to the GOD of David. If 
any be holy, let him come ; if any be not, let 
him repent. * Maranatha. Amen. " 

These forms have been given at length 
both on account of their intrinsic interest, 
and because they are our earliest models of 
Eucharistic worship. But it is difficult to 
bring them into connexion with any known 
liturgy. Perhaps we shall not err if we see 
in the first and second of the three the bless 
ing of the agape or common meal, and place 
the actual commemoration of the Lord s Death 
after the third. The words of institution are 


wanting, but for these the memory could be 
trusted, and they were perhaps felt to be too 
sacred to be committed to writing. In the 
short formulae that follow the last thanks 
giving, we find distinct anticipations of later 
liturgical language ; the proclamation, u If 
any be holy, let him come," anticipates the 
sancta sanctis of the liturgies, and warns us 
that the agape is over, and the communion of 
the Lord s Body and Blood is about to begin. 
The forms in the DidacJie are provided for 
the use of the local bishops and deacons ; 
the " prophets," it is expressly directed, are 
to be left free to use their own discretion as 
to the length of the Eucharistic prayer. There 
is reason to think that in the larger Christian 
societies, where the officers were men of edu 
cation, this liberty was enjoyed by the local 
clergy also. The Epistle of Clement, which 
emanated from the Roman Church in the 
reign of Domitian, contains in its newly 
recovered part a prayer which runs through 
three chapters *, and which has been shown 
by Bishop Lightfoot to be full of reminiscences 
of the prayers of the synagogue and temple, 
and of coincidences with the phraseology 
of the Christian liturgies. It is scarcely 
1 Cc. 59-61. 


doubtful that this prayer is an echo of the 
Eucharistic worship of the Roman Church at 
the end of the first century 1 . Clement writes 
here much as he was accustomed to pray at 
the weekly Eucharist. Left free to lead the 
Eucharistic service of the Church in such 
words as he saw fit, his thoughts naturally 
took shape after the Jewish models to which 
the Apostolic Church had been accustomed ; 
and the standard which he raised largely 
influenced the practice of his successors in 
the Roman See. 

Fifty years after the date of Clement s 
letter an apology presented to Antoninus 
Pius (138-161) by Justin, a native of Palestine 
who had made his way to Rome, sketches for 
us the order of the Eucharistic service as it 
was celebrated at Rome in the middle of the 
second century. On Sunday, Justin says, all 
the Christians of a neighbourhood flocked 
from town and country to the place of 
assembly. The service began with the read 
ing of the Gospels or of the Prophets, the 
length of the reading depending on the avail 
able time (ptxpis eyy&P^ L ) Then the president 
(d Tr/ooeo-ray, distinguished from the reader, d 
discoursed upon the lesson, after 

1 Lightfoot, Clement, i. p. 382 ff. 


which the whole assembly rose and prayed. 
The prayers concluded, bread, wine, and water 
were brought to the president, who offered 
prayers and thanksgivings to the best of his 
ability (00-17 Swapis avrcp), the people respond 
ing Amen (o Aao? kn^v^ri^l Aeyo)i> TO dp.iji^ 1 . 
Then follows the distribution of the Eucharist, 
which is effected by the deacons, who after 
the service carry portions to the absent. A 
collection is made for the sick and needy, but 
whether during the service, and if so at what 
point in it, Justin does not say 2 . It will be 
gathered from this picture that while the 
long Eucharistic prayer was still left to the 
discretion of the bishop, the Eucharist in 
Justin s time had ceased to be connected with 
a social meal and had acquired a fixed and 
stately order. The reader will have noticed 
the general agreement of this order with our 
own ; the Gospel, the sermon, the prayers for 
the faithful, the Eucharistic or Consecration 
prayer, the communion of the faithful, are all 
features common to the Roman Eucharist of 
the second century and the present Anglican 

The Roman liturgy was still, doubtless, 

1 Cf. i Cor. xiv. 1 6. 

2 Justin, Apol. i. c. 65, 67 (Notes, p. 215 f.). 


Greek in language and in its general tone. 
Of the Latin liturgy, as of the Latin Bible, 
the first traces are to be found in the Church 
of North Africa. The Church of Carthage 
had drawn her liturgical order, together with 
her Christianity, from Rome, and traces of the 
service may be seen in the earliest literature 
of African Christianity. In the Acts of Per- 
petua and Felicitas (c. A. D. 202) the martyr 
Saturus describes a vision in which the joys 
of Paradise are revealed to him : "We heard," 
he says, " the voices of those who said with 
one accord and without ceasing, * Agios, 
Agios, Agios V " That we have here a liturgi 
cal formula is nearly certain, both from the 
use of the Greek words in a Latin text, and 
from the words " without ceasing " (sine cessa- 
tione, dKccTaTravo-TGos), which occur in the litur 
gies immediately before the Ter Sanctus. 
Half a century later Cyprian refers to the 
preface by which the Ter Sanctus is still 
preceded in all liturgies : " before the Prayer, 
the priest recites a preface wherein he pre 
pares the minds of the faithful, saying, * Lift 
up your hearts ; and the people answer, We 
lift them up unto the Lord, being thus ad 
monished that they must fix their thoughts 

1 Texts and Studies, i. 2. p. 80. 
F 2 


upon the Lord alone V The same forms 
were used at Rome in the third century, if 
we may accept the evidence of the Hippolytean 
canons 2 . 

When we pass to the fourth century, these 
scraps of information are supplemented by 
full accounts of the Eucharistic service and 
the earliest complete liturgy. But the light 
comes at first chiefly from the East, from Jeru 
salem and Antioch, rather than from Rome. 

We will begin with the witness of a well- 
known ecclesiastic, which can be dated. Cyril, 
Presbyter and afterwards Bishop of Jerusalem, 
delivered to those who had been newly 
baptized at the Easter of the year 347 a 
lecture the last of his five * Mystagogic 
Catecheses in which he describes and com 
ments upon the liturgy of his own Church. 
You have seen, he begins, the deacon offer 
the celebrant and the priests who surround 
the altar, water to wash their hands. This 
is a symbolic act to be interpreted by Ps. 
xxvi. 6, "I will wash my hands in innocency, 
and so will I go to Thine altar." Then the 
deacon proclaims, " Let us greet one another," 
and the " holy kiss " is exchanged. After 
this the celebrant begins : " Lift up your 

1 De Orat. Dom. 31. 2 Achelis, P- 5 of 


hearts (Va> ra? KapSias)" and the preface and 
Ter Sanctus follow. Then comes an invoca 
tion of the Holy Spirit: "we pray God of 
His love to send forth the Holy Ghost upon 
the gifts (TO, 7rpoKijj,va), that He may make 
the bread the Body of Christ and the wine 
His Blood." Intercession succeeds : and the 
sacrifice being now consummated, the Church 
supplicates God for the world, for kings and 
their armies, for the sick and all who need 
His help. Mention is made of the departed, 
especially of the fathers and bishops of the 
Church. The whole is concluded by the 
Lord s Prayer, the people answering "Amen." 
Then the priest proclaims, " Holy things for 
the holy," and they respond, " There is One 
Holy, One Lord, Jesus Christ." Ps. xxxiv. 9 
(" O taste and see," &c.) is sung, and the 
communicants approach, extending the right 
hand supported by the left to receive the 
Bread ; the Cup is then administered, and 
when all have partaken, a prayer completes 
the service 1 . 

Addressing the newly baptized, Cyril had 

no occasion to describe the earlier part of the 

liturgy, with which they had been familiar 

during their catechumenate. But what it 

1 C. M. v. (Notes, p. 216). 


was in Syria in the fourth century we can 
learn from the second book of the Apos 
tolical Constitutions *. There we are intro 
duced into a church at the moment when the 
liturgy is about to begin and are bidden to 
observe the entire order of service. The 
" House of Prayer," as it is called, is an 
oblong building, with three apses at the 
eastern end. In the central apse is the 
bishop s throne ; the presbyters sit upon 
either hand, the deacons stand near; the 
nave is filled with the faithful, the men on 
one side, the women on the other. Then 
the reader mounts a platform and reads 
a lesson from the Old Testament, the pre 
centor at intervals chanting Psalms, in which 
the people join at certain points. Readings 
from the Acts and Epistles follow, after which 
the Gospel is read by the deacon or presbyter, 
the whole congregation standing. After the 
Gospel, exhortations are given by the presby 
ters in turn (6 Ka6els avT&v), and by the bishop 2 . 
The catechumens and penitents are then dis 
missed ; the deacon proclaims, " Let none 
remain who is at enmity or a dissembler" 
Kara rivos, piJTis kv vnoKpia-ti), and the 

1 C. 57. 

2 A practice borrowed from the synagogue ; cf. Acts xiii. 
15 ; cf. I Cor. xiv. 13. 


second part of the service, the missa fidelium, 

This is a mere outline ; but the eighth 
book of the Constitutions contains a complete 
liturgy 1 . Unhappily this earliest written 
liturgy cannot be regarded as precisely re 
flecting the Use of any Church. Indeed it 
does not profess to do so ; it is clearly 
an ideal, based no doubt upon the practice 
of the Church to which the writer belonged, 
but not in any way tied to the precise 
forms which were current 2 . Yet we may 
be sure that the writer has not departed 
widely from the general order of the accus 
tomed service, his purpose being to claim 
Apostolic authority for an existing scheme. 
Moreover, we recognize in this imaginary 
Apostolic liturgy features with which we 
are familiar through the Catechcses of Cyril 
and the second book of the Constitutions. 
First there is the reading of the Law and 
Prophets, the Epistles, Acts, and Gospels ; 
then the sermon ; then follow lengthy and 
separate dismissals of catechumens, energu- 
mens, competences (candidates for baptism in 
the final stage of preparation), and penitents. 
Then a new feature a long bidding prayer 
1 C. 5 seq. 2 See Brightman, Lititrgies (1896), i. p. xliii. 


is said by the deacon, the people responding 
to each invitation, Kyrie eleison ; after which 
the bishop offers a prayer for the faithful. 
The kiss of peace and the washing of the 
priest s hands follow ; then the deacon warns 
the disqualified or unworthy not to approach. 
After this the gifts are solemnly offered ; 
and the bishop begins the anaphora with 
the Apostolic benediction, followed imme 
diately by Sursum corda. The remainder 
of the service differs but slightly, in point of 
order, from that which is described by Cyril. 
The reader, however slight his acquaintance 
with the subject, will not have failed to notice 
in all these glimpses of ancient Eucharistic 
worship a uniform plan, unfolding itself 
gradually and with some diversity of detail 
during the interval between Justin and Cyril. 
In those two centuries the ceremonial of the 
Eucharist had undoubtedly developed, and 
the minor features of the service had assumed 
a more definite order and form ; but there is 
no essential change of scheme. The lessons 
and sermon, the earlier prayers, the great 
Eucharistic prayer ending with the people s 
"Amen," the communion in both kinds all 
these elements are common to every stage 
of liturgical development, from the second 


century to the fourth. Some of the litur 
gical forms, too, were evidently common to 
Churches the most remote in locality and 
general character ; the Sursum corda with its 
sequel has met us in the Latin Church of 
North Africa as well as in the Churches of 
Syria. On the other hand the liberty enjoyed 
by the "prophets" in the communities referred 
to by the Didache, and by the earlier bishops 
in other Churches, of using their discretion as 
to the precise words of the Thanksgiving, must 
naturally have led to many types of liturgical 
worship, and even to variations in the order of 
the service. It might have been supposed that 
under these conditions every Church would 
in time possess a liturgy of its own, modelled 
after the customs and devotional peculiarities 
of its great bishops. But this tendency to an 
excessive multiplication of liturgical types was 
corrected by another circumstance the com 
manding influence which certain Churches 
acquired even at an early date. Such in 
fluence was usually though not exclusively 
due to the connexion of these Churches 
with the great cities of the Empire. Thus 
the sixth canon of Nicaea (325) recognizes 
the ancient jurisdiction of the Bishop of 
Alexandria over Egypt, Libya, and Penta- 


polls, and of the Bishop of Rome over the 
" suburbicarian " Churches of Italy; Antioch 
is also mentioned as possessing certain 
privileges which are less clearly defined 1 . In 
North Africa, the Bishop of Carthage was 
regarded as primate ; in Palestine, while 
Caesarea was the metropolitan city, Jerusa 
lem was accorded an honorary precedence ; 
in the further east, Edessawas supreme. At 
a later time Constantinople, in her capacity 
of " New Rome," claimed a dignity only 
second to that of the older seat of empire. 
Westwards, Milan was in the fourth century 
almost a rival of Rome ; Aries took the lead 
in Gaul, and Toledo in Spain. To some of 
these great Churches belonged the still higher 
honour of a real or supposed connexion with 
an apostle or evangelist; Jerusalem could 
claim St. James, Alexandria St. Mark, Rome 
St. Peter, whilst far-off Edessa regarded 
St. Thaddaeus as its founder 2 . 

It is easy to see how the pre-eminence of 
certain Churches gave wider circulation to 
the types of Eucharistic service which had 
become traditional with them. Thus the 
liturgical influence of Alexandria was felt 
throughout Egypt and Abyssinia; Western 

1 Bright, Councils, pp. 20, 27. 2 Cf. Origines, c. I. 


Syria was dominated by Caesarea and 
Antioch, Eastern Syria by Edessa ; Constan 
tinople, which drew its inspiration from 
Antioch, eventually imposed the Antiochian 
type upon the Orthodox East. In the West, 
North Africa followed a liturgy essentially 
identical with that which is now known as the 
Roman Mass ; Milan, Aries, Toledo, each had 
its own liturgical peculiarities, together with 
certain common characteristics which dis 
tinguished the Gallican and Spanish services 
from Eastern liturgies on the one hand and 
from the Roman Mass on the other. Five 
great liturgical families ultimately divided 
between them the Christian world : the West 
and East Syrian, the Alexandrian, the Roman 
and the Gallican. The last two alone con 
cern us directly, as the only families known 
to the West, and as having both found a place 
in the liturgical history of these islands. 

Of the Gallican type of liturgy little need 
be said. Unfortunately, no complete Mass 
of a purely Gallican character has survived ; 
we have to reconstruct the order of service 
from scraps of mutilated Service-books 1 , and 
from the casual notices of Gallican writers 
such as Sulpicius Severus, Caesarius of Aries, 
1 See a specimen in the Notes, p. 217. 


and Gregory of Tours, and the analogy of 
the Mozarabic liturgy which is near of kin, al 
though of independent growth. Still we have 
materials enough to determine its general 
character, [it is distinguished from all Eastern 
liturgies by the large proportion of variable 
forms which it possesses. On the other 
hand it has many clear traces of Eastern 
influence which are wanting in the Roman 
Mass. Two remarkable features, which dis 
tinguish the Gallican rite from all others, are 
the frequent occurrence, in the service of 
short prayers called collectiones, and the use 
of a hortatory or explanatory introduction, 
varying with the occasion and known as the 
praefatio missae ; what is called the " Preface " 
in liturgies of the Roman type is in Gallican 
fragments and writers known as the contestatio 
or immolatio. The origin of this liturgical 
family is still obscure, "j M. Duchesne thinks 
that it may be traced" to the great Church 
of Milan, which still possesses a liturgy of 
its own, showing Eastern influence and some 
affinity to the Gallican type 1 . But this 
parentage has not been decisively estab 
lished, and the Ambrosian Mass, as we know 

1 Origines, p. 84 ff. On the other hand, ci. Ceriani, 
Notitia Liturgiae Ambrosianae, esp. p. 81. 


it, is certainly far nearer to the Roman than 
to the early liturgies of Gaul. 

To the Roman Mass let us now come. We 
have referred to the liturgical language at 
the end of Clement s letter, but these Greek 
devotions have little in common with the 
essentially Latin tone of the later " Canon of 
the Mass." The Roman Church, to which 
St. Paul wrote in Greek, continued to be 
a Greek-speaking community for at least 
another century. The Shepherd of Hermas, 
as well as the Epistle of Clement, was written 
in Greek, " indeed all the literature that we 
can in any way connect with Christian Rome 
down to the end of the reign of M. Aurelius 
is Greek 1 ." Victor, who became Bishop of 
Rome in 189, was "apparently the first Latin 
prelate who held the metropolitan see of 
Latin Christendom 2 ," and Victor, if we can 
trust the Liber Pontificaiis, was not a Roman 
but an African Christian. In Africa, as we 
have seen, the liturgy was probably Latin 
almost from the first, for Greek was under 
stood at Carthage only by the educated. 
Was it Victor who introduced the use of a 
Latin service at Rome ? We are left to 

1 Sanday and Headlam s Romans, p. lii. f. 
* Lightfoot, Philippians, p. 221. 


conjecture. But the forms preserved in the 
canons of Hippolytus seem to have been 
Greek 1 , at least in the more solemn parts of the 
Mass. Indeed, the earliest trace in literature 
of a Latin Mass connected with the Church 
of Rome occurs in a letter which is attri 
buted to Pope Innocent I (401-418). It is 
addressed to the Umbrian Bishop Decentius, 
and asserts the right of the Roman see to 
impose upon the other Western Churches 
the customs of the Church of Rome ; and 
among these is mentioned the giving of the 
Pax or Kiss of Peace after the Lord s Prayer 
of the Canon. Now we know from one of 
the sermons of St. Augustine 2 that this was 
the place of the Pax in the Mass of North 
Africa, whilst it is certainly not a feature of 
any existing liturgy except those which belong 
to the Roman family. This circumstance 
points to the affinity of the Roman Mass 
with that of the African Church ; and it 
shows beyond doubt that at the beginning of 
the fifth century Rome possessed, and probably 
had possessed for a considerable time, an 
order of service marked by one of the dis 
tinctive characteristics of her present Use. 
On the other hand it reveals a reluctance on 
1 Achelis, p. 50 f. a Serm. 227. 


the part even of neighbouring Churches to 
abandon their own ritual in favour of the 
ritual of Rome. It appears that an Umbrian 
town, not a hundred miles from Rome, situated 
in one of the regiones suburbicariae, and there 
fore within the direct jurisdiction of the Pope, 
had hitherto contrived to maintain its own 
Use. Innocent s endeavour to restrain its 
freedom was the first of a series of aggressions 
which have succeeded in stamping out, with 
rare exceptions, the non- Roman forms of the 
Western liturgy. 

Three great successors of Innocent are 
connected in the popular belief with the de 
velopment of the Roman Mass, Leo I (f46i), 
Gelasius (1496), and Gregory I (f6O4). Leo 
is said by his biographer, Anastasius Biblio- 
thecarius, to have added a few words to the 
Canon ; according to Gennadius, Gelasius 
wrote a treatise on the Sacraments (Tractatus 
Sacra men font m) , wh i 1 s t th e L ibcr Pon tifica Us 
attributes to him the composition of collects 
and prefaces * ; Gregory, as we know from 
his own writings, inserted a paragraph in 
the Canon, and placed the Lord s Prayer, 
after the example of the Greek liturgies, 
at the end of the Prayer of Consecration 2 . 

1 i. p. 255. 2 Duchesne, Origines, pp. 168, 176. 


If we may believe his biographer, John the 
Deacon, Gregory s liturgical labours went 
much further ; he revised the work of Gela- 
sius, " removing many things, changing a few, 
and adding some," and he " brought the 
whole within the limits of a single book" 
(in unius libelli volumine coarctavit\ In 
the eighth and ninth centuries books were 
undoubtedly in circulation which bore the 
name of Gelasius and Gregory. 

From the fourth century onwards we hear 
of liturgical books in Western Europe. 
Paulinus of Nola is credited by Gennadius 
with the composition of a Sacramentary {fecit 
et sacramentarium) 1 ; Jerome ascribes a liber 
mysteriorium to Hilary of Poitiers 2 ; Musaeus 
of Marseilles, and Voconius, a Mauritanian 
bishop, both compiled similar volumes about 
the year 460. There can be little doubt that 
such collections existed at Rome in the 
days of Leo and Gelasius, if not indeed in 
those of Innocent. But it is another matter 
to identify with them existing MSS. of Latin 
Sacramentaries. Since the sixteenth century 
particular types of the Sacramentary have 
been identified with the names of Leo, Gela 
sius, and Gregory respectively, and it has 

1 De Vir. Ilfastr. 48. 2 Ibid. 100. 


become the fashion to speak of their contents 
as "Leonian," "Gelasian," or "Gregorian." A 
closer examination has convinced liturgical 
scholars that this identification cannot be 
maintained, at least in the sense in which it 
is generally understood. The Leonian book, 
preserved in a MS. belonging to the Chapter 
of Verona, is indeed of purely Roman origin ; 
but it is neither so early as Leo, nor does it 
represent the official services of the Roman 
Church. The MS. is of the seventh century, 
and the book cannot be older than the sixth, 
for it contains a collect for the anniversary 
of Pope Simplicius (1483), and refers to the 
siege of Rome by the Ostrogoths in A. D. 
537-8 ; on the other hand it may be pre- 
Gregorian, and must in that case be placed 
before 590. That it was a Roman book is 
clear from numerous local allusions refer 
ences now to a basilica, now to a catacomb, 
where the Mass is to be said ; that it was 
a collection made by some ecclesiastic for his 
own use, and not a normal Roman altar- 
book of the sixth century, may be inferred 
from the great number of alternative forms 
which it brings together, and from the absence 
of anything like an orderly arrangement of 
the materials. 


The Gelasian Sacramentary is found in 
several MSS. Two of the three most im 
portant Gelasian MSS. mention "the kingdom 
of the Franks," and were evidently intended 
for use in Prankish territory. But the book 
is on the whole Roman and not Gallican, 
and may be taken fairly to represent the 
Roman Mass of its time. It is, however, 
post - Gregorian, for it contains Gregory s 
additions, and the Canon ends with the Lord s 
Prayer. The so-called Gregorian Sacramen 
tary represents a still later revision of the 
Roman Mass, which at the end of the eighth 
century passed for the work of Gregory. At 
that time, " probably between 784 and 791 1 ," 
a copy of the Sacramentary, believed to be 
Gregory s, was sent by Pope Adrian I to 
Charlemagne, who had expressed the wish 
to circulate through his dominion the most 
correct form of the Roman service. The 
" Gregorian " books are based upon this 
official copy, as the "Gelasian" MSS. repre 
sent the unrevised Sacramentaries previously 
in use. But whilst these books contain the 
Roman Use of the end of the eighth century, 
they include a supplement which consists of 
non- Roman matter added by some eccle- 

1 Wilson, Gelasian Sacramentary (1894), p. liii f. 


siastic of Charles s court, possibly by our 
countryman Alcuin. Thus neither the Gela- 
sian nor the Gregorian books, as they now 
exist, can be used without considerable re 
serve as guides to the Roman Mass of the 
seventh and eighth centuries. In each case 
the basis is Roman, but the books have 
come to us through Prankish hands. Still, 
after all deductions, there is much to be 
learnt from these three types of the Roman 
Sacramentary. The "Leonian" enables us to 
carry back the origin of many of our finest 
collects to a date earlier than the sixth cen 
tury ; and its wealth of missae, i. e. variable 
portions of the Mass written for particular 
occasions, reveals the liturgical activity of 
the Roman Church in pre-Gregorian times. 
From the " Gelasian " Sacramentary, which 
has reached us nearly complete, we learn 
what were the contents of the altar-book in 
the seventh century. The book provides for 
the seasons, the Saints Days, and the Sundays 
of the Church year. Included in this pro 
vision we find the ordination services of the 
Roman Church under Lent, and the bap 
tismal and confirmation services under Easter 
Eve ; and, at the end of all, the Canon in full l , 

1 Wilson, pp. 22 ff., 78 ff., 234 ff. 
G 2 


a large collection of missae for special occa 
sions, together with benedictions and other 
devotional forms. The Roman portion of 
the " Gregorian" Sacramentary gives us both 
Ordinary and Canon, followed by the variable 
portions of the Mass from Christmas Eve to 
the fourth week of Advent, i.e. throughout 
the year. 

The Liber Sacramentorum or Sacramento- 
rium was a very comprehensive collection, 
containing not only all the forms belonging 
to the Mass, but those employed in other 
sacramental rites which were connected more 
or less remotely with the celebration of the 
Eucharist. But in one respect it entirely 
fails to guide us to a reconstruction of the 
Roman service. It is destitute of rubrics; 
in the use of its forms the priest was left 
almost entirely to his own discretion or to 
custom. As early as the beginning of the 
eighth century a remedy was sought for the 
confusion and uncertainty which were thus 
produced. A Prankish capitulum of the year 
742 requires every priest to make for his own 
use a libellus ordinis, i.e. a book of directions 
for the arrangement of the altar service, and 
to submit it to the judgement of his bishop 1 . 

1 Baluz. Capit. Regn. Franc, i. 824. 


About the same time similar libelli came into 
use at Rome. A collection of ordines Romani 
was published by Mabillon, and may be read 
in Migne s Latin Patrology 1 : the first of them 
refers to the Mass, but describes a Mass 
at which the Pope himself officiates, and not 
the ordinary ceremonial of the altar. But 
another ordo is appended which gives the 
order of the paschal Mass ; and with the aid 
of these two documents and a treatise by 
Amalarius of Metz, who about 830 undertook 
a journey to Rome for the purpose of inves 
tigating the Roman practice, it is possible 
to form a fairly accurate conception of the 
Mass as it was performed in Rome at the 
beginning of the ninth century. 

Besides the Sacramentary and the Ordo, 
the Roman priest of the eighth or ninth 
century needed other books for use at the 
altar. The Sacramentaries are silent as to 
the scriptural lessons, which nevertheless 
found a place in every liturgy, and must 
have been read at Rome from the first. 
They were contained in several distinct col 
lections : the Lectionarium or Epistolarmm 
gave the readings from the Old Testament 
and the Epistles ; the Evangeliarium, the 

1 T. Ixxviii. 


liturgical Gospels. A third book known as 
the Comes or Liber Comitis (or, in a corrupt 
form peculiar to Spain, the Liber Comicus), 
enabled the priest to find the lections for 
the day 1 . Every great Church had its own 
lectionary and its own comes. The Roman 
comes, which was attributed to Jerome and 
called the Comes Hieronymi, has special 
interest for Englishmen, for this book con 
tinues to regulate the Epistles and Gospels 
of the Church of England; and it may be 
to our loyalty to the earlier Roman comes 
that we owe the divergence of some of our 
Eucharistic lections from those of the modern 
Roman Use. 

Another necessary book was the Antiphon- 
ariiim, or, as it seems to have been called at 
Rome, the Cantatorium ; not identical with 
the Antiphonary of the Hour offices, but 
a collection of the musical portions of the 
Mass. St. Augustine speaks of a Psalm being 
sung in his time between the Epistle and the 
Gospel. For this, at a later time, was sub 
stituted an anthem consisting of a verse and 
response, afterwards known as the graduate 

1 Cf. G. Morin, Anecd. Maredsol., vol. i, p. v. Du Cange, 
s. v. comicus. 


in English " grayle " or " grail." Antiphon- 
aries containing these anthems for use at the 
mass are already mentioned among Roman 
Service-books in the ninth century, and like 
the revised Sacramentary, are attributed to 
Gregory. As time went on, the gradual 
assumed a more elaborate form. During the 
interval between Easter and Whitsuntide it 
was followed by Alleluia ; at other times by the 
tract, a verse sung tractim (i. e. continuously) 
by the cantor. The last syllable of the 
Alleluia was protracted through a long musical 
passage ; at a later time this monotonous 
prolongation was relieved by the introduction 
of a " prose " or a " sequence," a composition 
which supplied words to the music. Such 
" sequences " were numerous in the mediaeval 
mass; Sarum had ninety-four, York one 
hundred and seventy-two. In connexion 
with other musical insertions or u farsings " 
of the Mass, they sometimes formed a volume 
which was known as the "Troper" (Iro- 
perittm ] ). While the graduate contained the 
introits,andthe offertory, communion anthems, 
and post-communions, as well as the grails, 
the Troper received the accessory words and 

1 On the Troper, see Frere, Winchester Troper (1894), 
Intr., p. vi ff. 


music which custom had attached not only to 
these portions of the Mass, but to the Gloria 
in Excelsis, Credo, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei. 

Such were the books which were needed 
at least for the solemn performance of the 
Mass, and which were digested into the 
mediaeval Missal. At first the name of 
missal liber missalis or missale was given 
to the Sacramentary, which contained the 
missae and the Canon of the Mass, as dis 
tinguished from the other books used at the 
altar. Thus when in the eighth century Eg 
bert, Archbishop of York, spoke of Gregory s 
" missalis liber x " he meant without doubt 
the Sacramentary which at that time passed 
in England as the work of Gregory. Inven 
tories written in the early part of the ninth 
century make mention both of Gregorian and 
Gelasian Missals, i.e. of the two recensions of 
the Roman Sacramentary then current in the 
Prankish empire. A capitulary of Lewis the 
Pious requires the bishops to see that the 
parish priests possess a Missal and a Lec- 
tionary ; episcopal orders issued to the clergy 
of this same period call upon them to pro 
vide the necessary church books, among 
which are specified a Missal, a book of the 

1 Haddan and Stubbs, iii. p. 411. 


Gospels and a Lectionary (i.e. an Episto 
larium). Even the phrase missale plena rium, 
as occasionally used in the ninth century, 
appears to mean no more than a complete 
Sacramentary. The incorporation of the 
various books in a single MS. seems to have 
been a later conception : Muratori says that 
he knew of no complete missal, in the latter 
sense, earlier than the eleventh century. 
Even when the compendious Missal came 
into general use, it did not supersede the 
necessity of separate books for the Epistles 
and Gospels and for the musical portions of 
the Mass. The Missal, however, as fully 
developed, contained all that the parish 
priest needed as he stood at the altar to say 
Mass ; it took the place of the Sacramentary 
and the Ordo, and to some extent rendered 
the priest independent of the other books 
when they could not easily be had. 

Let us proceed to examine the contents of 
the Missal commonly used in England before 
the Reformation. 

The distribution of the material of the 
Missal is analogous to that which we have 
observed in the Breviary, i.e. it contains the 
" Common " and " Proper of Time " and the 


"Common" and Proper of Saints." But 
whereas in the Breviary the Common of Time 
is represented by the Psalter, which is the 
backbone of the Hour services, in the Missal 
it consists of the Ordinary and Canon of the 
Mass, i.e. the framework which is common to 
every Mass, and into which all the special 
provisions of the missae must be fitted. 

We begin with this framework, for though 
it does not stand in the forefront of the 
Missal, the other portions of the book are 
not intelligible until it has been mastered. 
It consists of two portions. The old division 
into missa catechumenoritm and the missa 
fidelium has long disappeared, for there are 
no longer any adult catechumens to be dis 
missed before the more solemn part of the 
Mass begins. In place of it a distinction is 
now drawn between the absolutely invariable 
portion of the Mass, and that which precedes 
it and admits of variable elements. The 
former, known in the East as the Anaphora, 
and in the West as the Canon, consists of the 
solemn consecration and offering of the 
memorial sacrifice ; the latter, known to 
Westerns as the Ordinarinm^ contains all that 
comes before the Canon, and into it were 


grafted the lections and devotions proper to 
the seasons and the holy days. The Canon 
may be regarded as the oldest part of the 
Roman Mass, and, with the exception of the 
new paragraph and the slight change of 
order due to Gregory, it has probably re 
mained unaltered since the fifth or sixth 
centuries ; if not indeed since the third or 
fourth. Pope Vigilius at any rate writes in 
A.D. 538 : " With us the order of prayers at 
Mass is not varied by particular seasons or 
holy days ; the gifts are always consecrated 
in the same words 1 ." The Churches subject 
to Rome used the Roman Canon, whatever 
divergences might be tolerated in other 
parts of the Mass ; and. we cannot doubt that 
in this respect the Norman Church in 
England merely followed the practice of pre- 
Norman times, or that, excepting the period of 
Celtic influence in Northumbria, the Roman 
Canon was used in England from the days 
w^hen Augustine sang his first Mass at 
St. Martin s, Canterbury. 

Let us now follow the order of the Sarum 
service 2 . While vesting, the priest and his 
ministers said the hymn Veni Creator with 

1 Ep. ad Prof ut. 

2 Missale ad Usum Sarum. Burntisland, i6l. 


the versicle and response, " Send forth thy 
Spirit and they shall be created. R. And 
Thou shalt renew the face of the earth," 
followed by the Collect for Purity (Dens cui 
omne cor patet, &c.). As they approached the 
altar Ps. xliii (yudica me) was said with the 
antiphon, " I will go unto the altar of God " 
(introibo ad alt are Dei), and after the antiphon 
Kyrie eleison and Pater noster. Then came 
the confession and absolution of the priest 
and ministers; and the Psalm Adiutorinm 
nostrum, after which the priest, deacon, 
and sub-deacon gave one another a kiss of 
peace (peculiar in this place to Sarum and 
Bangor), and the prayer Aufer a nobis was 
offered. Then followed Gloria in Excelsis, 
the collect (or collects) for the day, the 
Epistle and Gradual, the Gospel, the " Nicene" 
Creed, the Offer torhim and prayer of oblation 
(Suscipe sane t a Trinitas), the washing of the 
priest s hands, the " secret " prayers, the 
Surswn corda, preface, Sanctus, Hosanna. 
Of these elements of the ordinary the vari 
able ones are the Introit (which the Sarum 
rubrics call officiunf) and the Psalm following, 
the Collect, Epistle, and Gospel, with the 
Gradual and its extensions, the Offer tor iitm, 
the Secreta and the proper preface. 


After the Hosanna the priest begins the 
Canon. Here, as we have said, the Sarum 
form is practically identical with the Roman, 
the only appreciable differences being in the 
rubrics. This venerable portion of the service 
consists of one long prayer, concluding with 
the Pater nosier ; but in MSS. and editions it 
is conventionally broken up into paragraphs, 
known to liturgiologists by their opening 
words (Te igitiir, memento D omine, communi- 
cantes, hanc igitnr, quam oblationem, quipridie, 
unde et memores, supra quae propiiio, supplices 
te rogamus, memento etiam, nobis quoqne). 
These devotions fall under three heads in 
tercession, commemoration, and oblation ; 
for a fourth feature which is prominent in 
Eastern anap/wrae has no clear place in the 
Roman Canon, viz. the invocation of the Holy 
Spirit upon the elements. The Roman and 
Sarum Canon is further distinguished by its 
practice of separating the intercession for the 
living from that for the departed members of 
the Church, the former being placed before, 
the latter after the words of consecration. 

After the Canon properly so called there 
followed, if a bishop were celebrant, a solemn 
benediction of the people. The Pax was 
then given and the Agjms Dei sung ; then 


came the communion of the priest and people, 
the latter accompanied by the variable anthem 
known as commnnio, and followed by a prayer 
called post-comtnunio. The whole was con 
cluded by the deacon s proclamation Ite, 
missa est, or on certain occasions Benedicamus 
Domino. On his way back to the vestry the 
priest said the first fourteen verses of the 
Gospel according to St. John. 

This account is necessarily meagre ; no 
notice has been taken of the elaborate ritual, 
or of minor forms of devotion, such as those 
connected with the fraction of the host, and 
the commixture of the consecrated elements. 
Moreover, it must be remembered that the 
Ordinary and Canon occupy only a few leaves 
of the Missal, the bulk of the book b^ing 
filled with the variable elements of the Mass, 
which had to be worked into the frame day 
after day by the officiating clergy. Let us 
turn to the " Proper of Time," and open at the 
First Sunday in Advent. The special features 
of the service of that day include Introit and 
Psalm, Collect, Epistle, and Gospel, Gradual 
and sequence, Offertory, Secrets, Communion 
anthem and post-Communion prayer. Besides 
this array of propi ia for the Sunday, a special 
Epistle and Gospel are given for the Monday, 


Wednesday, and Friday in the following 
week. Similar provision is made week after 
week, though the week-day variables are 
more numerous at some seasons than at 
others; thus in Holy Week every day has 
them in full, whereas during the weeks after 
Trinity the Wednesdays alone are signalized 
in this way. The " Proper" and "Common of 
Saints" add largely, of course, to this richness 
of material ; every holy day has its proper 
variables, and in certain cases, others are 
appointed for the octave or even for every 
day between the feast and its octave. Nor 
does this enumeration exhaust the contents 
of the Sarum Missal. There is a large col 
lection of " votive " masses : a Mass of the 
Holy Trinity, of the Angels, of the Holy 
Ghost, of the Body of Christ ; a Mass for 
sinners, for penitents, for the sick, for rain, 
in time of war, in time of plague. There are 
again the memoriae communes, as they were 
called, incl ding special collects, &c., for all 
conditions of men and all the circumstances 
of life ; e. g. for the Pope, for the King, for 
travellers, for peace, against evil thoughts, and 
so forth. Lastly, since marriage and burial 
were connected with the celebration of the 
Eucharist, the Missal contains offices for both. 


Such was the altar-book which the English 
Reformers found firmly established in the 
affections both of the priesthood and laity; 
a book of which the central part could lay 
claim to a venerable antiquity, while the rest 
had grown up in the course of centuries, 
largely on English soil, as the expression of 
the deepest wants of the people, for which 
they had sought relief in the one service 
ordained by Christ Himself. The Missal un 
doubtedly needed revision, but the task of 
revising it must have been felt by Cranmer 
and his associates to be the most delicate 
and difficult of the liturgical problems which 
lay before them. 

At first revision only was contemplated. 
"All Mass books," Convocation was told in 
1543, were to be " newly examined, reformed, 
and castigated." Even after Henry s death 
(Jan. 28, 1547) the Archbishop proceeded 
with caution. His own mind does not seem 
to have been quite made up upon the pre 
liminary question of the use of the Latin 
tongue. Those parts of the Mass which were 
concerned with the instruction of the laity 
or the guidance of their devotions might 
evidently be said with advantage in the 
vulgar tongue; and as early as August, 1547, 


an order was issued for the reading of the 
Epistle and Gospel in English at High Mass. 
On the same principle, when the young King 
attended Mass at the opening of his first 
Parliament in the following November, the 
Gloria in Excehis, the Creed, and the Agnus 
Dei were sung in English. Meanwhile, the 
wider question was already under discussion. 
A paper had been circulated among the 
bishops containing the question, " Whether 
in the Mass it were convenient to use such 
speech as the people may understand ? " 
Cranmer replied, " I think it convenient to 
have the vulgar tongue in the Mass, except 
in certain mysteries, whereof I doubt." It 
would seem as if up to this time the Arch 
bishop might have been satisfied by a 
revised English version of the Sarum Mass, 
with some portions of the Canon left in the 
original Latin. 

The next year a more serious step was 
taken. Before the end of 1547 both Houses 
of Parliament had passed an Act for the 
restoration of the Cup to the laity. This 
change rendered necessary a slight addition 
in that part of the service which regulated 
the communion of the laity, and the oppor 
tunity was taken of preparing a short English 



office both of preparation and communion. 
On March 8, 1548, an English Order of Com 
munion was issued under royal authority, 
consisting of an Exhortation, General Con 
fession and Absolution, the " Comfortable 
Words" and the Prayer of Humble Access, 
the words to be used at the " delivering of 
both kinds," and the final blessing. These 
forms were intended to serve as a temporary 
supplement to the Latin Mass, and to be 
used " without the varying of any other rite 
or ceremony in the Mass, until other order 
shall be provided." 

To those who clung to the old service the 
words just quoted must have had an ominous 
sound. Occasion was soon found for the 
" other order" to which they seemed to point. 
The clergy did not render uniform obedience 
to the provisional order. Some used only 
a part of it, others ignored it altogether. 
Matters were thus precipitated, and during 
the summer of 1548 the question of "en 
forcing uniformity " was anxiously considered. 
It appears that a committee of the bishops 
sat from time to time at Windsor to prepare 
forms of service for use both in choir and at 
the altar. In January, 1549, the first Act of 
Uniformity was passed, and appended to it 


was the first English Book of Common 

The new book contained, amongst other 
forms, " The Supper of the Lord and the 
Holy Communion, commonly called the 
Mass," preceded by " the Introits, Collects, 
Epistles, and Gospels to be used at the cele 
bration of the Lord s Supper and Holy Com 
munion through the year." The " Supper of 
the Lord and the Holy Communion" cor 
responded to the Ordinary and Canon of the 
Mass, with the insertion of the new " Order 
of Communion," which was now permanently 
added ; the " Introits, Collects, Epistles, and 
Gospels," provided the variables hitherto 
found under the " Proper of Time " and " of 

It will be interesting to compare the Eng 
lish Ordinary and Canon with their predeces 
sors. The new Ordinary contains the Lord s 
Prayer, Collect for Purity, Introit, Kyrie, 
Gloria in Excelsis, Collect for the King, 
Collect for the Day, Epistle and Gospel, 
Creed, Sermon or Homily, Offertory, Sursum 
Corda, Preface, Sanctus, Hosanna. If the 
reader will take the trouble to compare this 
list with the contents of the Sarum Ordinary, 
already given, he will see that the changes 

II 2 


are not of great moment. The Con 
fession and Absolution do not appear at this 
point in the English service, but they are 
merely postponed, finding a place further on 
in the preparation for the Communion of the 
People ; the Gradual with its sequence has 
been removed a change which was perhaps 
deliberate, since it is ordered that the Gospel 
shall follow " immediately after the Epistle 
ended," and the omission finds a parallel in 
the abandonment of the antiphons of the 
choir offices. The oblation of the elements, 
the ceremony of washing the hands, and the 
secreta are also gone. On the other hand 
there are a few new features the Prayer for 
the King, and the connexion of the offertory 
anthem with the offering of the alms. But 
on the whole, the structure of this part of the 
Mass is well preserved. The case is some 
what different when we come to the Canon. 
This most venerable part of the service, in 
which no Pope or Church had ventured to 
change anything since the time of Gregory, 
was entirely rewritten by Cranmer and his 
colleagues. It is not easy to decide whether 
this was done for the sake of setting the 
English Church free from the domination of 
certain ideas which had long been associated 


with the Roman Canon, or because the Eng 
lish love of independence, to which the 
Reformation had given a new impulse, re 
belled against the retention of a foreign rite 
in the most solemn act of our national worship. 
It is possible that as soon as the attempt was 
made to translate the Latin Canon, much of it 
was felt to be of uncertain value, and inferior, 
as a liturgical composition, to other parts of 
the ancient Order. The Canon which Cranmer 
substituted was on the whole formed upon 
the model of the Gregorian ; it was one long 
prayer ending with the Lord s Prayer, and 
containing the three elements of intercession, 
commemoration, and oblation, which the Roman 
liturgy shared with all ancient liturgies whether 
Eastern or Western. But it abandoned the 
peculiarities and made good the imperfections 
of the Roman form ; the intercessions for the 
living and the dead were no longer divided, 
the long list of names, chiefly of Roman 
saints and bishops, was omitted, and the In 
vocation of the Holy Spirit, lost or obscured 
in the Roman Canon, reappeared in its Eng 
lish successor. Lastly and chiefly, the narra 
tive of the Institution, which in the Roman 
Canon had from an early time been strangely 
iarsed and paraphrased, was now presented 


in the very words of the New Testament, 
and with special reference to the account 
which St. Paul declares himself to have re 
ceived from the Lord. Yet in this as in 
other particulars the English Canon follows 
ecclesiastical if not Roman precedent ; in the 
Mozarabic canon the Institution is commemo 
rated in words very similar to those of the 
Book of Common Prayer, while the Greek 
liturgies approach more nearly to the English 
than to the Roman form 1 . 

After the long Prayer of Consecration the 
new English office found a place for the Order 
of Communion issued in 1548. A communion 
and a post-communion anthem are provided 
the former invariable and consisting of the 
Agnus Dei, the latter a verse from the New 
Testament, to be selected out of twenty-two 
passages printed in full. Then comes a 
Thanksgiving, for which the Sarum and 
Roman rites made no provision, modelled 
upon Eastern forms ; and instead of the vene 
rable but now meaningless Ite, missa est, the 
new service ends with a solemn benediction 2 . 

Every one is familiar with the fate of this 

1 See Notes, p. 219 f. 

2 Some precedent for a final benediction is to be found in 
the York and Hereford Missals. 


first English liturgy. In 1552 a second 
Prayer Book supplanted the Prayer Book 
of 1549, and while the Order for Mattins 
and Evensong suffered no material change, 
the Communion Service assumed quite 
another form, which on Elizabeth s accession 
became permanent, and still survives. The 
Introit, the Hosanna, the Intercession for the 
departed members of the Church, the Invo 
cation of the Holy Spirit *, the Agnus Del, the 
post-communion anthem vanished ; the nine 
fold Kyrie became tenfold, connecting itself 
with the Ten Commandments, which were 
now made to precede every celebration. But 
by far the most important changes were those 
of a structural character : the breaking up of 
the long canon, and the rearrangement of 
several of its component parts. Our present 
canon contains simply the commemoration of 
Redemption with the words of Institution. 
The Intercession for the Living was, in 1552, 
placed immediately after the Offertory ; the 
Lord s Prayer and the Oblation follow the 
Communion of the People. A less remark 
able displacement is the removal of the Gloria 
in Excelsis from the ante-communion to the 
post- communion, which may be explained by 

1 Notes, p. 220. 


a desire to concentrate upon the end of the 
service the elements of praise and thanks 
giving. From a liturgical point of view, 
these changes have brought about a very 
remarkable result, not perhaps contemplated 
by the revisers of 1552. The Communion 
Service of 1549 was as a whole a revised 
Sarum ; it belonged to the Roman family of 
liturgies. This can scarcely be said of the 
present English liturgy; while it makes large 
use of Sarum and other ancient materials, in 
its structure it follows an order peculiar to 
itself. In other words, it heads a new litur 
gical family, and one which already has taken 
root, in slightly divergent forms, wherever 
the English tongue is spoken. There is no 
reason why English churchmen should regret 
the fact, or pine for a restoration of the 
Roman Mass. It was fitting that the Church 
of England should possess not merely an uni 
form use, but one which, while in accord 
ance with ancient precedent in things essential, 
should proclaim her independence of foreign 
dictation in the order of her worship. It 
would have been a grave misfortune if the 
great English race had been tied for all time 
to customs and forms which rest ultimately 
upon the local traditions of an Italian Church. 


While we are far from claiming either per 
fection or finality for the present English 
liturgy, we regard it with the loyal affection 
due to a national rite which has commended 
itself to the conscience of devout English-men 
for more than three centuries, and which is 
destined, as we believe, to surpass even the 
Roman Mass in the extent of its influence 
upon mankind. 



THE Manual was so named because it was 
a book which the parish priest needed to have 
in constant use. It contained the occasional 
offices, some of which he might be called upon 
to recite at any moment of the day or the 
night. Thus it answered to St. Augustine s 
definition of an Enchiridion : it was " a book 
not for the shelf or the cupboard, but for the 
hands V The name, in its liturgical reference, 
was almost exclusively of English growth. 
On the continent the volume was usually 
known as the Pastoral (pastorale, liber 
pastor alls), the Sacramental (sacrament ale, or 
sometimes, notwithstanding the ambiguity, 
sacramentarium), the Agenda, but more 
especially as the Rituale, the name by which 
it is still distinguished in the Roman Church. 
In England it seems to have always borne 
the title of liber manualis or manualc. 

1 Ench. i. The word Enchiridion was used however as 
the designation of another liturgical bock the Home, or 
Prymer. See Maskell, Mon. Rit. i. p. clxiii. 


The Sarum Manual contained the services 
which in the English Prayer Book have been 
placed between the Order of Holy Communion 
and the Psalter, viz. the offices for administer 
ing Baptism and Confirmation, for the 
Solemnization of Matrimony, for the care of 
the sick, the dying, and the dead, and for the 
Churching of Women. To these were usually 
added various benedictions and other forms 
which the priest might need from time to 
time in the course of his daily ministrations. 
The book was unlike the Missal and the 
Breviary in that there was no one central 
service or group of services to which its other 
contents were subservient. Each of the 
services it contained had a separate history 
and purpose, and it will be necessary to deal 
with each by itself, although the accident of 
a common character, that of being occasional 
and not regular services, has brought them 
together into a single collection. 

i. First among the offices of the Manual 
are those which relate to the Sacrament of 
Baptism and its supplementary rite, Confirma 

The history of Baptism might easily fill 
a large volume, but for our present purpose 
the briefest outline may suffice. In the first 


age the circumstances which attended the 
initiation of converts were such as to exclude 
the use of ceremonial and even of devotional 
forms. It was performed by the side of some 
spring or river (Acts viii. 38), or in a bath 
{\ovTp6v, Titus iii. 5) within doors (Acts xvi. 
33), usually by immersion, but, where there 
was no sufficient supply of water, by the 
pouring of water on the head l . The 
candidate was received at his own desire, 
sometimes without preparation 2 . It has been 
doubted whether the words prescribed in 
Matt, xxviii. 19 were used in the first genera 
tions, since in the Acts believers are said to 
have been baptized in the Name of Jesus 
Christ, or of the Lord Jesus 3 ; but on the 
other hand it may be urged that these terms 
involve the fuller form. Reference is made 
in the New Testament to the laying on of 
hands as a rite subsidiary to the act of 
Baptism 4 , and possibly to the use of 
unction 5 . 

In the Didacke, whilst neither the laying 

1 Didache, c. 7 ; see below. 

2 Acts viii. 36. The profession which precedes the 
baptism of the eunuch in the A. V. (v. 36) is an early inter 

3 Acts ii. 38 ; viii. 16, &c. 

4 Acts viii. 17; xix. 6; Heb. vi. 2. 
6 2 Cor. i. 21 ; i John ii. 20. 


on of hands nor the anointing of the baptized 
is mentioned, we have the beginnings of an 
order for the ministration of the baptismal 
rite 1 . " As to Baptism, baptize on this wise. 
After ye have recited all this (i. e. the moral 
instruction of the previous chapters), baptize 
into the Name of the Father, the Son, and 
the Holy Ghost, in running water; but if 
thou hast not running water, baptize in other 
water, and if thou canst not do it in cold 
water, do it in hot ; but if thou hast neither 
[in sufficient quantity], pour water on the 
head thrice in the Name of Father, Son, 
and Holy Ghost; and before the baptism let 
the baptizer fast and the baptizand, and some 
others if they can; the baptizand is to be 
desired to fast one or two days before." The 
directions are to some extent of a trivial 
character, a circumstance which may indicate 
a Jewish-Christian origin; but the prepara 
tion of the candidate by instruction and fasting 
is a step in advance towards later discipline. 
Justin s account of the baptism of a convert 
in the middle of the second century carries 
us a little further. " We will describe," he 
writes 2 , " the manner in which we dedicated 
ourselves to God. As many as are convinced 
1 C. 7 (Notes, p. 220). 2 ApoL i. 61 (Notes, p. 220). 


and believe our teaching to be true, and 
undertake to live according to it, are taught 
to beg of God with fasting and prayer the 
forgiveness of their past sins, whilst we pray 
and fast with them ; then they are brought 
to a place where there is water and are 
regenerated after a manner of regeneration 
which we ourselves have undergone ; for 
they make then their ablution in the water 
in the Name of the Sovereign God and 
Father of all, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ 
and the Holy Ghost. And this bath is called 
illumination (0o>Ttoy<t6s)." Justin adds that the 
newly baptized are presently admitted to the 
Eucharist l . 

Another half-century brings us to Ter- 
tullian, from whose writings it is possible to 
collect a fairly complete description of the 
baptismal rites practised by the North African 
Church about the year 200. Baptism took 
place usually at Easter or during the fifty 
clays after Easter, although any other day 
might be chosen in case of necessity 2 . After 
fasting and prayer, the candidate made be 
fore the bishop a solemn renunciation of the 
devil, his pomps, and his angels (" sub 
antistitis manu contestamur nos renuntiare 
1 Apol. c. 65. 2 Tert. de Bapt. 1 8, 19 (Notes, p. 220). 


diabolo et pompae et angelis eius ") *. Then 
he professed his faith in the Father, Son, and 
Holy Ghost, and in the Holy Church, and 
was thereupon thrice immersed (" ter mergi- 
tamur "). Subsequently he was anointed with 
hallowed unction and received the imposition 
of hands in order to obtain the gift of the 
Holy Spirit; he was signed with the cross, 
he tasted a mixture of milk and honey, a 
symbol of the land of promise to which he 
had been called, and last of all he partook of 
the Holy Eucharist 2 . Tertullian mentions, 
though he is disposed to discourage, the 
practice of infant baptism, and in connexion 
with it he speaks of sponsors 3 . 

Cyprian confirms much of Tertullian s 
testimony, mentioning the interrogatory creed 
offered to the candidates, the post-baptismal 
use of unction, and the imposition of hands 4 . 
But he is free from the scruples which 
Tertullian entertained as to the baptism of 
infants, and incidentally we learn from him 
that affusion was allowed instead of immersion 
in the case of the sick 5 . Both Tertullian and 
Cyprian recognize the preparatory stage of 

1 Tert. de Coron. Mil. 3 ; de Bapt. 6. 2 De Bapt. 7, 8. 
3 De Resurr. Cam. 8. 4 Epp. 70, 68, 64. 

5 Ep. 69. 


catechumenate, distinguishing the audientes 

o o 

or auditor es who retire from the church at an 
early stage in the mysteries ; and Tertullian 
regards as characteristic of heresy the attempt 
to abridge unduly the course of preparation l . 
In the ante-Nicene age two or even three 
years seem not to have been thought an 
excessive probation ; toward the end of this 
period the approved were known as compe- 
tentes(\.e. fellow-candidates, Aug. Serm. 216), 
and received fuller instruction 2 . 

Of this instruction we have an example in 
Cyril s Catecheses. The preparatory course at 
Jerusalem in the middle of the fourth century 
lasted during the forty days of Lent, the 
baptisms taking place on Easter Eve 3 . Of 
the ceremony itself Cyril gives us a detailed 
account. The candidates assembled in the 
vestibule of the baptistery. There, facing 
West, with outstretched hands each of them 
repeated the form of renunciation : " I re 
nounce thee, Satan, and all thy works, 
and all thy pomps, and all thy service." 
Then, turning to the East, he said, " I 
believe in the Father, and in the Son, and 
in the Holy Ghost, and in one baptism 

1 Tert. Praescr. 41 ; Cypr. Ep. 13. 

2 Cone. Elvir. Can. 62. 

8 C. M. i. (Notes, p. 221). 


of repentance." After this the candidates 
entered the baptistery, and divesting them 
selves of their clothing, were anointed with 
consecrated oil. This done, each was led 
to the font (/coAf/z/3^pa) ) again confessed his 
faith, and thrice descended into the water 
and rose from it again, thus symbolically 
dying and rising again with Christ. On 
emerging from the font, the newly baptized 
were anointed with fragrant unguents (pvpa 
expia-OrjTe) on the forehead and organs of 
sense ; this chrism was held to represent the 
sanctification of the soul by the Holy Ghost. 
No mention is made of the imposition of 

descriptions of Baptism ] . The passages are 
too long to quote, but they correspond on the 
whole with Cyril s account ; we read of the 
pre-baptismal and post-baptismal anointings, 
the first with oil, the second with chrism ; 
both are to be performed by the bishop, and 
the second is in some way connected with 
imposition of hands, or regarded as a sub 
stitute for it 2 . On the whole, it seems as if 
the imposition of hands as a separate cere- 

1 iii. 15-17; vii. 22, 39 f. 

2 iii. 16 ; cp. Cyril, Cat. xvi. 26; and see Prof. Mason, 
Baptism and Confirmation, p. 341. 



mony had by this time died out in Syria, or 
perhaps it would be more correct to say that 
the ceremonies of chrism and laying on of 
hands had been practically merged into one. 
In Egypt on the other hand, as in the North 
African Church of Cyprian s time, the two 
ceremonies were separately observed. The 
Coptic Constitutions, while providing for both 
anointings *, direct the bishop to lay his hand 
on the baptized, saying, " Lord God . . . make 
them worthy to be filled with Thy Holy 
Spirit;" after which he pours the "oil of 
thanksgiving" ( = the chrism) into his own 
hand, and puts his hand on the head of the 
neophyte with the words, "I anoint thee with 
the holy anointing oil, from God the Father 
Almighty, and from Jesus Christ, and from 
the Holy Spirit," sealing him finally on the 
forehead with the sign of the cross. 

With regard to the preparatory stages of 
the catechumenate, important help is offered 
to us in the Pilgrimage of Silvia. She tells 
us how the candidates gave their names eight 
weeks before Easter, and how, after an ex 
amination into their characters conducted by 
the bishop, they were exorcised 2 , and during 

1 Mason, p. 250 f. 

2 Gamurrini, Peregr. Silvtae, p. 72. 


the rest of Lent received a complete course of 
instruction in Scripture, from Genesis onwards, 
the bishop explaining to them both the literal 
and spiritual interpretation. Instruction in 
the faith follows ; in the fifth week the Creed 
is delivered, and at the end of the seventh 
each of the candidates repeats it before the 
bishop (feddit symbolum episcopo). The 
deeper mysteries of the baptismal rite are 
reserved for the instructions which follow the 
baptism and are delivered, as in the time of 
Cyril, during the octave of Easter. 

We may now turn to the baptismal offices 
which were the direct ancestors of our present 
rite. If the Canons of Hippolytus may be 
taken as a guide to the early practice of the 
Roman Church, it is possible to form a fairly 
clear conception of a baptism at Rome in ante- 
Nicene times 1 . The Friday before the admini 
stration of the Sacrament is spent by the 
candidates fasting; on the Saturday they 
appear before the bishop, who extends his 
hands over them, and prays that the evil 
spirit may quit their bodies ; he then 
breathes upon their faces and signs them 
on the breast, forehead, ears, and mouth. 
The following night is spent in a vigil service; 

1 Achelis, p. 92 if. 
I 2 


at cockcrowing all assemble at the font, men 
and women, and the infants with their spon 
sors. The bishop thereupon blesses the oils, 
the " oil of exorcism " and the " oil of anoint 
ing " or " thanksgiving." Each candidate then 
renounces Satan, and is anointed by a pres 
byter with the oil of exorcism. Before going 
down into the water each says, " I believe, 
and bow myself before Thee and Thy full 
majesty, O Father, Son, and Holy Spirit." 
Then he steps down into the water and 
another presbyter, placing his hand on the 
candidates, asks, " Dost thou believe in God 
the Father Almighty ? Dost thou believe in 
Jesus Christ the Son of God ? &c. Dost 
thou believe in the Holy Ghost?" To each 
of these interrogatories the candidate answers 
" I believe," and after each answer he is 
dipped in the water, the presbyter who 
baptizes him repeating the baptismal words. 
As he rises the third time from the water he 
is signed with the chrism on his forehead, 
mouth, and breast, the presbyter saying, " I 
anoint thee in the name of the Father, and of 
the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." After this 
he resumes his garments, and enters the 
church, where he receives from the bishop 
the imposition of hands accompanied by the 


prayer that those on whom the gift of the 
remission of sins has already been bestowed 
may partake of the earnest of the kingdom 
of God. Finally, the neophytes receive the 
kiss of peace ; then the Mass begins, and in 
due course they are communicated, receiving 
after their first Communion a taste of milk 
and honey as symbols of their new life in the 
family of God and of their future inheritance 
in the kingdom of heaven. 

We are on more secure ground, and at the 
same time we find ourselves breathing an 
atmosphere which is nearer to that of our 
own mediaeval offices, when we turn to the 
Roman Ordines 1 , and to the Sacramentaries 
of the seventh and eighth centuries. From 
these sources we may with some confidence 
frame an account of the baptismal ceremonies 
of the Roman Church at that date, as they 
were celebrated in connexion with Easter 
and Whitsuntide. 

First came a solemn admission to the 
catechumenate. The ceremonies consisted of 
insufflation on the face, signing the forehead 
with the cross, imposition of the priest s hand 
upon the head with prayer, placing on the 
tongue a particle of salt which had been 

1 Ord. vii. 


previously exorcised 1 . The catechumen thus 
admitted was called to undergo a series of 
examinations and instructions corresponding 
more or less fully to the Eastern catecheses> 
but at Rome known as scrutinia. These 
" scrutinies" began in the third week of Lent, 
and the Gelasian Sacramentary contains an 
interesting form of notice (denuntiatio] for 
the previous Sunday 2 : " Take notice, dearly 
beloved brethren, that the day of scrutiny on 
which our candidates for baptism (electi) are 
to begin their course of sacred instruction, 
is now at hand. Be so good as to assemble 
on such a day at noon, that (God helping us) 
we may be enabled to perform without re 
proach the heavenly mystery by which the 
devil is abolished with all his pomps, and 
the gate of kingdom of heaven is thrown 
open." A special Mass with intercessions for 
the candidates was provided for the Sunday 
before the first scrutiny 3 . When the day 
arrived and the candidates appeared at the 
church, their names were taken down ; the 
males were placed on the right, the females 
on the left ; after the collect at Mass they 
were exorcised, signed with the cross, and 

1 See the forms in Wilson, p. 46 ff. 2 lb. p. 45. 

8 lb. p. 34. 


received imposition of hands. Similar cere 
monies marked each of the scrutinies except 
the third and the last. On the third a new 
feature was introduced. The day was known 
as dies in apertione aurium, and upon it took 
place the initiation of the baptizands in a 
knowledge of the Gospels, the Creed, and the 
Lord s Prayer. The ceremony for since 
the candidates were now almost exclusively 
infants, it was little more must have been 
an impressive one. After the Gradual, four 
deacons advanced to the altar preceded by 
lights and incense, each carrying one of the 
Gospels, which he deposited on one of the 
corners of the holy table. Then a priest 
came forward and explained the word Gospel 
and the symbols of the four Evangelists. 
A verse from each of the Gospels was then 
read and interpreted. Next came the delivery 
of the Creed ; in the Sacramentary it is the 
Creed commonly called " Nicene," and it is 
repeated by the acolyte, either in Greek or 
Latin, according to the language of the cate 
chumens or their parents. The ceremony 
ended with the delivery and exposition of the 
Lord s Prayer. 

The seventh and last scrutiny took place 
on the morning of Easter Eve (sabbato 


sancto, mane), about 9 a.m. The candidates 
were once more exorcised, but on this 
occasion by a presbyter, and not as at 
previous scrutinies by acolytes or exorcists ; 
and the exorcism was followed by the priest 
touching the nostrils and ears of the elect 
with his finger, moist with saliva, while he 
said, " Ephphatha, that is, Be opened." Then 
their breasts and backs were anointed with oil, 
and the renunciation of Satan followed in this 
form : 

" Dost thou renounce Satan ?" "I renounce." 
" And all his works ? " " I renounce." 
" And all his pomps ? " " I renounce." 

After it came a confession of faith, consisting 
of a repetition of the Creed (redditio symbolt) 
by the priest in the name of the children 
about to be baptized. 

The baptism followed later in the day. 
The Easter baptism was celebrated by the 
Pope himself in the baptistery of the Lateran. 
The rite began with a processional litany. 
Arrived at the font, the Pope blessed the 
water with prayers of considerable length, 
accompanied by the sign of the cross, in 
sufflation, and the pouring of chrism into the 
water crosswise. Once more the " elect " 
was interrogated as to his faith : 


" Dost thou believe in God the Father Almighty ?" 

" Dost thou believe also in Jesus Christ, His only Son, 

our Lord, Who was born and suffered?" 

" Dost thou believe also in the Holy Ghost, the holy 

Church, the remission of sins, the resurrection of the 


Each candidate, having answered to every 
question " I believe," was then plunged three 
times into the water, while the baptismal 
words were uttered. After the immersion, 
each received from the priest the sign of the 
cross made with chrism on the crown of the 
head, and accompanied by the form, " Al 
mighty God . . . Who hath regenerated thee 
with water and the Holy Ghost and hath 
given thee forgiveness of all thy sins, Him 
self anoint thee with the chrism of salvation, 
in Jesus Christ our Lord, unto eternal life." 
The neophytes were then brought to the 
bishop for confirmation. Laying his hand 
on them, the Pope offered the prayer for the 
sevenfold Spirit (Spiritus septiformis), which 
is familiar to us from its use in our present 
office ; and this done, he signed each on the 
forehead with chrism, saying, " The sign of 
Christ unto eternal life." The Confirmation 
over, the procession was formed again, and 
entered the basilica ; the first Mass of Easter 
began, the newly baptized received the Com- 


munion, and after it a mixture of milk and 
honey, which had been solemnly blessed. 
Throughout the octave of Easter they re 
tained their white baptismal robes, and daily 
assisted in the Mass and at vespers ; the 
whole week was regarded as a sacred 
fest val. 

We may now turn to the Sarnm Use. 
In England during the middle ages the 
administration of baptism was practically 
limited to infants. Even in Anglo-Saxon 
times every infant was brought to the font 
within thirty or thirty-seven days after birth, 
under a heavy penalty 1 . The solemn cele 
bration of the Sacrament on the eves of 
Easter and Pentecost continued, and children 
who were born not more than eight days 
before the festivals were reserved for those 
occasions ; but at all other times baptism 
followed birth with the shortest possible in 
terval 2 . For the same reason much of the 
ceremonial connected with the preparation 
of the catechumen, which was still preserved 
in the Roman rite of the seventh and eighth 
centuries, had disappeared in England before 
the Conquest ; the scrutinies, the delivery 
and exposition of the Creed, find no place in 

1 Maskeil, Man. Rit. i. p. ccv. 2 Ib. p. 29 f. 


the Sarum books. On the other hand the 
great features of the rite remain intact. The 
Sarum office is fourfold ; it begins with the 
form for making a catechumen (or do ad fact- 
endiim catcchnmcnnni) ; there is a solemn 
benediction of the water (bencdictio fontis\ 
the baptism itself (ritus baptizandi) follows, 
and lastly the confirmation (confirmatio puer- 
orum\ which, though an episcopal function, 
was for the convenience of the parish priests 
inserted in the Manual, among the benedic 
tions at the end of the book *. Theoretically 
these four offices formed, as they had always 
formed, a connected whole, but in practice 
they might be separately performed. Thus, 
in the case of the Easter and Pentecost bap 
tisms, the Sarum rubric prescribed that the 
catechumenate should be given during the 
preceding week. The blessing of the water, 
which formed part of the Paschal and Pente 
costal rite, was used as often as occasion 
required. The confirmation could follow the 
baptism immediately only if a bishop were 
present. Bede tells us how St. Guthbert 
went round his diocese for the purpose of 
laying hands on the newly baptized 2 , and 
this custom was maintained by the mediaeval 

1 Maskell, p. 34 n. 2 Vit. Cuthb. 29. 


episcopate, whilst parents were warned to 
bring their children to the bishop at the 
first opportunity, and at the latest within 
seven years after birth, under pain of sus 
pension from Christian privileges l . 

The Szrum Order /or Making a Catechumen 
directs the priest to meet the child at the 
church door where the office is performed. 
If it be a male, it is set on his right hand, if 
a female, on the left a relic of the Roman 
mode of arranging -catechumens at the scru 
tinies. Then the priest signs the child on 
the forehead and breast, and lays his hand on 
its head and prays. A grain of exorcised 
salt is placed in the infant s mouth ; the child 
itself is exorcised in the words of the Roman 
Sacramentaries ; prayers are added appro 
priate to the sex of the child. The Gospel 
of the blessing of little children is read from 
St. Matthew ; the " Ephphatha " follows. 
Then the priest, sponsors (compatres, com- 
matres), and bystanders repeat the Pater, 
Ave, and Credo (a reminiscence, possibly, of 
the traditio and redditio symboli) ; and the 
priest takes the child s right hand, and brings 
him into the church with the words, " Enter 
into the temple of God, that thou mayest 

1 Maskell, p. ccxiii f. 


have life eternal, and live for ever and ever. 

The Benediction of the Font begins with 
a litany, a survival of the processional litany 
of Easter Eve ; after which the priest, being 
at the font, proceeds more praefationis, i. e. 
after the manner of the Preface in the Mass 
a Gallican form which occurs in this place 
also in the " Gregorian " Sacramentary ; in 
the course of this preface he uses the various 
ceremonies already described in our account 
of the Roman rite : crossing the water, breath 
ing upon it, dropping wax into it from the 
lighted taper, and finally pouring into it 
holy oil and chrism, all in the form of the 

The infant is now brought to the font and 
the administration of the sacrament begins. 
The priest asks his name, and the threefold 
renunciation of Satan, his Works, and his 
pomps is made. He is then anointed with 
holy oil on his breast and between the 
shoulders. The interrogative Creed is re 
peated in a somewhat longer form than that 
already quoted from the Gelasian Sacra 
mentary 1 . To this the sponsors answer 
with a threefold Credo. The priest then 

1 For the form, see the writer s Apostles Creed, p. 102 f. 


asks, "What seekest thou?" Answer: " Bap 
tism." " Wilt thou be baptized ? " Answer : 
" I will." The name is once more demanded, 
and the priest, naming the child, plunges him 
thrice into the font, the first time at the word 
" Father," with the infant s face towards the 
North and his head to the East ; the second 
time, at the word " Son," with the face to the 
South, the third time at the words " Holy 
Spirit," with the face towards the water. The 
godfathers take the child from the priest s 
hands, and the priest anoints him with chrism 
crosswise on the crown of the head, and puts 
upon him the chrisom (vestis chrismalis), 
with the words, " Receive a white robe, holy 
and without spot, and see thou bring it safe 
before the judgement-seat of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, that thou mayest have eternal life," &c. 
Lastly, a lighted taper is placed in the infant s 
hands, the priest saying, " Receive a lighted 
torch without reproach ; guard thy baptism, 
keep the commandments, that when the Lord 
shall come to the marriage, thou mayest be 
able to meet Him with the saints in the 
heavenly courts, that thou mayest have 
eternal life," &c. 

The Confirmation, which follows imme 
diately (statim, incontinenter) if the bishop is 


present, is a remarkably short and simple 
office. It begins with the Psalm " Our help 
is in the Name of the Lord," after which, 
following the order of the Roman office, the 
bishop offers the prayer for the " septiform " 
Spirit, and then, having asked the baptismal 
name, he signs the child on the forehead 
with chrism, saying, " N., I sign thee with 
the sign of the cross, and confirm thee with 
the chrism of salvation, In the Name," &c. 
A collect follows and after it the Psalm, "Lo, 
thus shall the man be blessed that feareth 
the Lord." 

Such were the baptismal rites of the 
English Church before the Manual was 
superseded by the Book of Common Prayer. 
The first English Order for the Administra 
tion of Public Baptism undoubtedly contains 
a large proportion of new matter. It has 
been calculated that " hardly more than one- 
fourth part of the new office can be referred 
to the baptismal service of the ancient 
rituals V But it is fair to explain that the 
new matter is largely homiletic, whereas the 
fourth, which is due to ancient sources, forms 
the backbone of the service. The changes 
were briefly the following: (i) The offices 

1 Gasquet and Bishop, p. 224. 


for making a catechumen and for the ad 
ministration of baptism were thrown into 
one. (2) Certain ancient ceremonies were 
abandoned, e. g. the administration of exor 
cised salt, the " Ephphatha" the infusion of 
foreign matter such as wax, oil, and chrism, 
into the water of the font, and the use of 
chrism in Confirmation. (3) Exhortations 
were introduced, explanatory of the Sacra 
ment of Baptism and of the purpose of the 
several parts of the office, a feature not 
unknown to the baptismal rite of the ancient 
Gallican Church. On the other hand, the 
new office retained the most important 
features of the Sarum and Roman orders 
the reception of the child at the church door 
and his solemn introduction into the church, 
the crossing before baptism, the exorcism, 
the threefold renunciation, the threefold con 
fession of faith, the threefold immersion, the 
"white vesture commonly called the chrisom," 
the anointing of the newly baptized upon the 
crown of the head. In the benediction of 
the water, which, it was now ordered, should 
be changed once a month at the least, Sarum 
and Roman precedent was set aside, but the 
new forms were evidently based in great 
part on the Mozarabic rite, which supplied 


a finer and purer model l . The Confirmation 
service of 1549 follows closely in the steps of 
Sarum, excepting that the cross is no longer 
made with chrism, and the bishop is directed 
to lay his hand on the heads of the candidates 
as well as to sign them with the cross. The 
rubrics prefixed to the new office involve the 
postponement of Confirmation to a later age 
than that contemplated in the pre- Refor 
mation order ; no child is henceforth to be 
confirmed till he can give an account to the 
bishop or his deputy of the faith and duty of 
a Christian. This change, however, is one 
of policy, and not of form ; in the latter the 
book of 1549 made no material alteration. 

The baptismal offices of our present Prayer 
Book, which are based upon the revision of 
1552, depart further from ancient precedents. 
Every one of the non-Scriptural ceremonies, 
which from the second century onwards had 
been growing up around the central act of 
baptism, has disappeared, except the signing 
with the cross, which the Church of England 
has stoutly maintained on the ground that 
it is not only a primitive but a singularly 
edifying practice 2 . On the other hand, the 

1 See Notes, p. 221 f. 

2 See note at the foot of the Ministration of Public Baptism 
to Infants. 



ancient prayers and other forms retained in 
1549 are with us still, and in regard to Con 
firmation the Church of England has gained 
immeasurably by a return to the Apostolic 
laying on of hands, and by a discipline which 
renders it possible to restore, in the case of 
persons baptized in infancy, the instruction 
and spiritual training formerly secured by 
the catechumenate. 

2. After the offices for the baptism of 
children there followed in the Sarum Manual 
a short office for the Purification of Women 
(Or do ad purificandam mulierem post partunt). 
The law of Lev. xii. prescribes certain cere 
monies of purification to which even the 
Mother of the Lord was careful to conform 1 . 
It was natural that the Church should per 
petuate a custom sanctioned by so high an 
example ; and there are indications from the 
fourth century at least of a belief that 
mothers ought to abstain from attendance 
at church until forty days after childbirth, 
and then to be solemnly readmitted. Indeed, 
according to the Canons of Hippolytus, a 
similar discipline existed in yet earlier times. 
Mothers are there directed not to present 
themselves for Communion till they have 

1 Luke ii. 22-24. 


been purified. The purification is to take 
place on the twentieth or fortieth day ac 
cording to the sex of the child, and during 
the interval the mother, if she desires to 
attend the House of God, must sit with the 
catechumens, and not among the faithful l . 
But if this harsh rule reflects the practice of 
the Church of Rome in early times, it would 
seem to have been practically obsolete before 
the date of the Roman mission to Kent. 
The point was one of those which perplexed 
Augustine of Canterbury, and his inquiry 
drew from Gregory the large-hearted answer, 
" If the mother entered the church to return 
thanks within an hour after her delivery she 
would not have sinned 2 ." It will be ob 
served that Gregory speaks of thanksgiving, 
and not of purification. The latter idea, 
however, was prominent in the mediaeval 
offices. According to the Sarum rite, the 
priest meets the woman at the church door, 
where the office is said ; when it is over, she 
is brought within the church with the very 
words used at the introduction of a cate 
chumen, " Enter into the temple of God." 
In the office of 1549 the tone is different, 

1 Achelis, p. 88. 

? Bede, H. E. i. 27. See, however, p. jo (supra), 

K 2 


the woman enters the church at once and 
comes "nigh unto the quire door": the 
Sarum Psalm and suffrages are retained, 
but the priest s address converts the service 
into an act of thanksgiving. In 1552, as the 
logical result of this change of purpose, a new 
title was substituted; the "Order of the 
Purification of Women" became "TheThanks- 
giving of Women after Child-birth, commonly 
called, The Churching of Women." It was 
perhaps intended that the common designa 
tion should gradually pass into disuse. But 
the word " churching " lends itself equally 
to either view of the office, and the use of 
the reformed Prayer Book for more than 
three centuries has set it free from its 
mediaeval associations. The English mother, 
when she is " churched," re-enters the House 
of God after a period of enforced absence, 
not in order to receive purification, but in 
the words of Gregory, the founder of the 
English Church, " to return thanks." 

3. The act of Marriage does not abso 
lutely demand the intervention of the 
Church. The essential ceremony is the con 
tract by which the two parties openly accept 
one another as partners for life. Yet since 
the principles of the Gospel require the 

tnwttmv rt- ilb toh afcbeme qw bm nttn 
nmnfip uphv ^iirmimrraiwti 
im in Imgua inat&a ab row 
typlltrtfc fyaue n$ 

Uepr1)irin Ijde mii m ttbnetaiib 
matt ^eategjed^etoliuraU aljuC 
Ijanb Culi brto l)i$ untf.t di" ot^erefe 
Otiie. nun Ijolli >r Dnt 10 l}irio m 

niw fdieiio$ 

W** i ttttrimtt-m Qn 
lu fcUUoprtmr etfawtf.etmmbUigece 
et lionomxt ar oitobnt Caun ^ tulfowii 

biu uita Dtnufrn inavb mtment. 

you* l)auei)id mau to m IjuftanO 
to l)t bi^inn to l^pm. mf bom. 

miel)ini aril) 
nv C*u8 ab m 

al$ a 

uuft be to IjiruCbanti anb 
to Ijpm tpU pv 

wr iiortnoo) if \mUv^cwle (hmtos 

YORK MANUAL (CAMB. UNIV. LIB. EE IV. 19). fTofHcei.i82.) 


faithful to connect every act or state of life 
with their higher life in GOD, it was im 
possible that so important an event should 
be left without the Church s sanction or the 
hallowing influence of a sacred rite. " It is 
fitting," writes Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, 
in the early years of the second century, 
" that the bridegroom and the bride seek the 
consent of the bishop to their union, so that 
their marriage may be according to the 
Lord V The approval of the bishop was 
naturally accompanied by his blessing. " How 
shall we describe," asks Tertullian, " the 
happiness of a marriage which is cemented 
by the Church, ratified by the oblation, and 
sealed with the benediction 2 ?" Clement of 
Alexandria incidentally mentions that the 
nuptial blessing was conferred by the im 
position of the priest s hand 3 . Ambrose of 
Milan, arguing against mixed marriages, 
asks, " Since matrimony must be hallowed 
by the priest s act of veiling the bride (vela- 
mine sacerdotali) and a benediction, how can 
we speak of it as existing when there is no 
agreement in the faith 4 ? " One of the 
" African " canons rules that the bridegroom 

1 Ad Polyc. 5. 2 Ad Uxor. ii. 8. 

3 Paed. iii. 11. * Ep. 19. 


and the bride shall be presented by their 
parents or friends (paranymp/ii), when 
they come to be blessed by the priest. 
Other ceremonies besides the veiling of the 
bride gradually attached themselves to the 
betrothal or the marriage. Most of these 
were inherited from Jewish or pagan custom. 
Tertullian refers to Rebekah (Gen. xxiv. 65) 
as exemplifying the use of the veil by be 
trothed women J ; but the veiling of the 
bride with the flammeum was one of the 
ordinary ceremonies of a Roman marriage. 
So also was the practice which the Church 
subsequently adopted of crowning the bride 
groom and bride with chaplets of leaves and 
flowers. The espousal of Rebekah was 
sealed by costly gifts 2 ; Tobias and Sarah 
were wedded by the father of the bride 
taking her by the hand and giving her away 3 . 
The giving of a wedding ring (annulus pro- 
mibus) was a Roman and pagan ceremony, 
yet at Alexandria, as early as the time of 
Clement, a gold ring appears to have been 
the distinguishing mark of the Christian 
married woman 4 . 

Our first detailed account of a Christian 

1 De Virg. vel. 11 : cf. Duchesne, Origines, p. 417, and 
for the present Eastern form, see Euchohgion, p 241 f. 

2 Gen. xxiv. 47. 3 Tobit vii. 12. * Paed. iii. II. 


marriage comes from a Roman bishop of the 
ninth century (Nicolas I, A. D. 866) 1 . He 
speaks of (i) the espousals (sponsalid) fol 
lowed by the giving of the ring, and of a 
marriage deed which secured a dowry to 
the bride ; (2) the nuptials (imp ti alia foe- 
dcra), transacted in the church, and marked 
by oblations presented to God through the 
priest, the benediction of the espoused, the 
veiling of the bride, and the crowning of 
both. The nuptials properly so called, i. e. 
the sequel to the espousals, were connected 
with the celebration of the Eucharist, and 
provision for a nuptial Mass is made in the 
Leonian and Gelasian Sacramentaries ; in 
the former it is described as the velatio^ in 
the latter as the actio, nuptialis 2 . The col 
lect, sccreta, and other special devotions are 
appropriate to the occasion ; the nuptial 
benediction follows the Lord s Prayer of the 
Canon, coming between the consecration 
and the communion of the newly married 
pair ; in the Gelasian Mass a second and 
shorter benediction follows the Communion. 
The Sacramentaries contain no ceremonial 
directions, nor do they supply a form of 

1 Resp, ad Cons. Bulg. 3 ; cp, Duchesne, Origines^ p. 414 f. 

2 Muratori, Liiurg. Rom. Vet. i. pp. 446, 721. 


espousals. For these we must go to the 
mediaeval English books. In the Sarum 
Missal we find the orcto sponsalium, succeeded 
by the nuptial Mass, the latter being in the 
main the Mass of the Holy Trinity, with 
materials worked into it from the old velatio 
nuptialis of the Roman Sacramentaries ; an 
office substantially the same is to be found 
in the Sarum Manual. We will follow the 
order of the Manual x . 

The espousals begin by the priest meeting 
the bridal party at the door of the church 
and " bidding the banns " in the English 

o o 

tongue ("banna dicens in lingua materna"). 
To "bid banns" is simply to give public 
notice, and the banns of the Sarum espousals 
consist of the address which opens with the 
familiar words, " Dearly beloved, we are 
gathered together here ... to join together 
this man and this woman in holy matrimony." 
The banns are repeated in this form on three 
not consecutive holy days, during Mass. If no 
objection is alleged, the priest proceeds, still 
using the mother tongue, " Wilt thou have 
this woman . . . wilt thou have this man ? " 
and the man and woman are then taught 2 to 

1 Maskell, Mon. Rit. i. p. 42 ff. 

2 See Notes, p. 222. 


pledge one another in English words almost 
identical with the quaint formulae of our 
present Marriage Service. Then the man 
places gold and silver with the ring on the 
priest s book, and if the ring has not been 
blessed already, it receives a benediction and 
is sprinkled with holy water. The ring is 
then placed by the man as our present rubric 
directs, except that he puts it on the first 
finger as he names the Father, and so on, 
pronouncing the " Amen " when he reaches 
the fourth. Almost the only novelty in the 
Espousals of 1549 is the joining of the right 
hands of the espoused by the priest, together 
with the sentence of marriage which follows. 
So far the Sarum service was said at the 
church door ; after the blessing of the espou 
sals, the party entered the church and 
proceeded to the altar step, the priest and 
his ministers saying as they went the Psalm 
Beati omnes. In the prayers which succeed, 
the Prayer Book generally follows Sarum 
guidance, until we come to the nuptial Mass. 
The new book provided no special missa ; 
our Reformers were content with ordering 
that "the new-married persons (the same day 
of their marriage) must receive the holy com 
munion," and for this direction our present 


book substitutes a simple recommendation to 
receive it " at the time of their marriage, or 
at the first opportunity after their marriage." 
In the Sarum rite, immediately after the 
prayers at the altar step, the bridegroom and 
the bride enter the presbytery, taking their 
places on the south side between the choir 
and the altar, and Mass begins with the 
introit. The formal benediction of the mar 
riage is given, as in the old Sacramentaries, 
between consecration and communion. The 
pax is offered by the priest to the bridegroom 
and by him to the bride. After Mass, they 
partake together of bread and wine which 
have been blessed, and so depart, the priest 
afterwards visiting their house and blessing 
them there. 

None of our occasional services departs so 
little from the Sarum form as the Solemniza 
tion of Matrimony, and none underwent so 
little change between 1549 and 1662, when 
the Prayer Book reached its present state. 
Excepting the loss of the nuptial Mass, 
Englishmen are married in these last years 
of the nineteenth century nearly as they were 
married at the beginning of the thirteenth ; 
even the quaint English of the espousals has 
been suffered to remain without any consider- 


able change. The fact is important, inasmuch 
as it reveals the conservative policy which 
on the whole guided our Reformers. In the 
marriage service of the mediaeval Church 
there was little which savoured of superstition 
or error in belief, and therefore little was 
changed. In this respect it stands in strong 
contrast to the offices which we are about to 
consider, in which there were few devotions 
that could be safely preserved in their 
mediaeval form. 

4. The Manual of the Church of Salisbury 
contains offices for the visitation, unction, and 
communion of the sick, for the commendation 
of the soul in the article of death and after 
departure, and for the burial of the dead. 

From the first the visitation of the sick 
was a recognized duty of the officers of the 
Church. The words " I was sick, and ye 
visited Me," together with the example of 
the Lord s unfailing compassion for all 
varieties of human suffering, left an impres 
sion which could not easily be effaced. In 
the Apostolic age the Church possessed gifts 
of healing which enabled her to follow in the 
Master s steps. " They shall lay their hands 
on the sick, and they shall recover," is 
one of the last promises attributed to the 


ascending Christ 1 . Another mode of exer 
cising the gift was by the use of oil. " Is any 
sick?" (writes St. James 2 ) "let him call for 
the presbyters of the Church, and let them 
pray over him, anointing him with oil in the 
name of the Lord, and the prayer of faith 
shall restore the sufferer " (o-oxm TOV Ka^vovra). 
The use of oil had been connected with the 
healing of the sick in the early ministry of 
the Apostles 3 , and continued to be occasion 
ally employed both by the Church and some 
heretical sects. Certain Gnostics of the 
second century anointed the dying with oil 
and water, adding magical formulas 4 . A 
more legitimate use of the symbol was made 
by Catholic Christians in cases where re 
covery was still possible. Tertullian claims 
that the Emperor Septimius Severus was 
restored to health through the prayers of a 
Christian who anointed him with oil in the 
name of Christ 5 . Toward the end of the 
fourth century oil taken from the church 
lamps was regarded as a specific ; at the 
beginning of the sixth, Caesarius, Bishop of 
Aries, in time of common sickness, recom 
mends the head of a family to anoint his 

1 Mark xvi. 18. 2 v. 14, 15. 8 Mark vi. 13. 
4 Iren. i. 21. 5. 5 Ad Scap. 4. 


household with oil which had been blessed. 
But there is no evidence of any continuous 
tradition on the lines of St. James s direction, 
partly perhaps because the practice was 
originally confined to communities of Christian 
Jews, partly on account of the comparatively 
limited circulation of the Epistle in early 
times. On the other hand there is evidence 
that the sick were not neglected by the 
clergy; their wants, both material and spiritual, 
received attention from the first. Polycarp, 
for example, charges the presbyters of 
Philippi l " that they visit all the sick." The 
contemporary biographer of St. Augustine 
mentions that the great Bishop of Hippo was 
always ready to lay his hands on the sick and 
pray for them, and when summoned to this 
duty went without delay 2 . 

In the Roman Sacramentaries we meet at 
length with forms of prayer for use both in 
the sick man s house (orationes super in- 
firmum in dorno^, and in church at a special 
Mass offered in his behalf (orationes admissam 
pro infirmo\ together with a prayer for con 
valescents (oratio pro reddita sanitate) 3 . The 
Gelasian Sacramentary 4 bears witness also to 

1 C. 6. 2 Vit. c. 33. 

3 See the Gelasian forms in Wilson, p. 281 f. 

4 Ib. p. 70. 


the use of oil for the restoration of the sick 
from spiritual as well as bodily maladies (ad 
evacuandos omnes dolor es, omnem infirmitatem, 
omnem aegritudinem mentis et corporis] ; but 
though the form occurs amongst the benedic 
tions of the various oils which were blessed 
annually on the Thursday before Easter, there 
is no corresponding office for the administra 
tion. Muratori is guilty of something like an 
anachronism when he refers in his index to 
this oil as prepared for "Extreme Unction"; 
in the Sacramentary it is described simply as 
"oil for anointing the sick" (istud oleum ad 
unguendos infirmos) 1 . 

In the Sarum Manual the parish priest is 
supplied with complete offices both for Visita 
tion and for Unction 2 , When called to visit 
the sick the priest went with his ministers to 
the house, saying on the way the seven 
penitential Psalms with the antiphon, " Re 
member not, Lord, our offences." Reaching 
the house he invoked peace upon it, and on 
entering the sick man s presence, sprinkled 
him with holy water, saying the Kyrie, Lord s 
Prayer, and suffrages, as they are found in 
our present form of Visitation, and a number 

1 See however the Excerpt. Egbert. 21, which prescribe 
the administration by a priest. 

2 Maskell, Mon. Kit. i. p. 66 ff. 


of collects, among which we recognize several 
of the Gelasian prayers for the sick. The 
priest proceeded to examine the sick person 
as to his faith, using either a summary of the 
Quiamqite, or, in the case of the illiterate, 
a simpler form based on the Apostles Creed; 
he then exhorted him to charity and patience, 
heard his confession and gave him absolution, 
concluding with prayers and a blessing. 

The Unction of the Sick followed. The 
office begins with a Psalm accompanied by 
the antiphon, " O Saviour of the world." In 
anointing, the priest, dipping the thumb of his 
right hand into the oil, applied it to the organs 
of the senses, the feet, and the loins, and at each 
application offered the prayer " By this unction, 
of His own most tender mercy, may the Lord 
forgive theewhateversins thou hast committed 
by the sense of sight" [hearing, taste, &c., as 
the case might be]. Lastly, the priest prayed 
for the restoration of the sick to spiritual and 
bodily health. After unction the Sacrament 
of the Body of Christ was exhibited to the 
sufferer, and he was asked whether he believed 
the true Body and Blood of Christ to be 
present under the form of bread ; upon his 
assent, he was communicated, unless circum 
stances prevented him from receiving, when 


the priest was bidden to say, " Brother, in this 
case it suffices for thee to have a true faith and 
good will ; believe only, and thou hast eaten 1 ." 
Dr. Rock 2 draws a goodly picture of the 
mediaeval rector or vicar proceeding to the 
house of the sick, sometimes with a procession 
of surpliced clerks, with uplifted cross, tinkling 
hand-bell, and lighted tapers, while the 
country folk kneel as he passes, and join 
their prayers with the Gregorian tones which 
accompany the penitential Psalms ; whilst at 
other times, when called to some poor cottage 
among the hills or accessible only by rugged 
roads, the village priest would mount his 
horse, with the pyx in a silk bag slung round 
his neck, and a single lighted taper in a 
lantern with a bell attached to it, suspended 
from the neck of his horse. Still more 
attractive is the jealous care of the mediaeval 
Church that her sick members should not die 
without the last sacraments or receive them 
without instruction and preparation. English 
synods forbade the parish priest to pass a 
single night away from his parish without 
reasonable cause, or without a deputy 3 ; whilst 

1 The words are founded on St. Augustine s dictum, Tract, 
in S.Joann. xxv. 12. 

2 Church of our Fathers, ii. p. 462 f. 

3 Maskell, Mon. Rit. i. p. ccxxxvii. 


for his assistance in the instruction of the 
sick, he was furnished with English exhorta 
tions, remarkable for their simplicity, tender 
ness, and evangelical tone *. 

For the last extremity the Manual provides 
another office, the " Commendation of a Soul 
in the Article of Death. * It begins with a 
litany, specially adapted for the case of the 
dying ; after which follows the Proficiscere 
anima Christiana, and short suffrages for 
the release of the departing spirit. 

Thus far the reformed ritual follows in the 
track of the Sarum offices. The new Visita 
tion of the Sick is distinctly on the lines of 
the old ; the Unction of the Sick was retained 
in 1 549 although in a simplerand discretionary 
form, the priest being directed to anoint the 
sick person upon the forehead or breast only, 
and to give unction only where it was desired 
by the sufferer himself, No provision, how 
ever, was made for the benediction of the 
oil ; " even extreme unction," the Romanists 
complained in 1551, "is administered with 
unconsecrated oil 2 ." The Communion of 
the Sick was also retained, but the fear of an 
illegitimate use of the reserved Sacrament 

1 Maskell, iii. p. 353 ff. (Notes, p. 222 f.). 

2 Gasquet and Bishop, p. 273. 



led our Reformers in 1 549 to restrict reserva 
tion to the day on which the elements were 
consecrated, and three years afterwards to 
abandon it altogether, substituting a celebra 
tion in the sick man s room. Some of the 
extreme men on the anti- Roman side were 
prepared to go further : " let the sick." 
writes Coverdale, " satisfy himself with the 
general breaking of bread whereof he was 
a partaker with the whole congregation " ; but 
the majority preferred under the circumstances 
to sanction private celebrations, rarely as they 
had been used by the ancient Church, rather 
than to withhold the Viaticum from the dying. 
To the sick the new order was on the whole 
a gain ; they retained the blessing of a sacra 
mental communion in their houses, and they 
acquired the new privilege of assisting in the 
celebration so far as their strength permitted. 

From offices for the sick and dying we pass 
by a natural step to the Order for the Burial 
of the Dead. Here the mediaeval Church 
surpassed herself in the wealth of her devo 
tions ; but unhappily her services did not 
lend themselves to the older and truer view 
of death which the English reformers were 
determined to revive. 

Nothing more sharply distinguished the 


early Christians from their pagan neighbours 
than the attitude of the faithful toward their 
dead. St. Paul, in the earliest of his Epistles 1 , 
warns his converts " not to be sorry " for the 
dead, "as the rest" of the world " who have 
no hope." For believers to die was to depart 
and be with Christ ; it was to enter Paradise ; 
death could not separate them from the love 
of God or from the fellowship of the saints ; 
on the contrary it was the beginning of a fuller 
life, the moment when the goal was attained 
and the labours of the course were ended. 
The earlier treatment of the dead is deeply 
coloured by these essentially Christian views. 
The pagan cremated his dead ; Christians 
preferred " the old and better custom of bury 
ing them 2 ." The Church turned the gloom 
of the funeral into a triumph ; when circum 
stances permitted, palms and flowers, lights 
and incense, psalms and anthems, attended 
the body to its resting-place. Between death 
and burial the religious exercises were ex 
pressive of peace and hope : the clergy offered 
prayer around the body 3 , a last kiss of peace 
was given; the night which intervened between 
death and interment was brightened by psal- 

* I Thess. iv. 13. 2 Min. Fel. Octav. 65. 

3 Tert. deAnim. 51. 

L 2 


mody, and before the dead was committed 
to the tomb, the Eucharist was offered for 
him ] . No early liturgy is without a com 
memoration of the departed. But these 
ancient prayers and offerings for the dead 
implied no doubt of the felicity of those who 
" depart hence in the Lord " ; they were 
simply the expression of the strong belief 
that death sets up no real barrier between 
the faithful, and that the dead in Christ, not 
having yet reached " their perfect consumma 
tion and bliss," may still be commended to 
the mercy and love of God. It is unnecessary 
here to enter into any discussion of this belief; 
but we may note that it is not to be identified 
with that doctrine of the intermediate state 
which was dominant in the Western Church 
from the sixth century to the sixteenth. We 
can put our finger on the source of this later 
teaching. A hint dropped by St. Augustine 
that some of the faithful may possibly be 
called after death to pass through a purifying 
fire (ignis purgatorius) 2 , was raised to the 
rank of a dogma by Gregory the Great, the 
founder of the English Church 3 . From the 
moment of its conversion, Anglo-Saxon Eng- 

1 Aug. Confess, ix. 12. 2 Enchir. 69. 

3 Dial. iv. 39 ; Moral, ix. 34. 


land was darkened by the gloom which this 
unhappy surmise cast over the state of the 
dead. Dr. Rock points with triumph l to 
her universal acceptance of purgatory ; it 
would have been strange indeed if she had 
not accepted a doctrine which was brought 
to her shores by the men who gave her the 
Christian faith. The terrible visions of the 
unseen life described by Bede reveal the hold 
which the doctrine already had upon the 
popular imagination. One Dryhthelm 2 , whose 
spirit had visited the unseen world and after 
wards returned to life, used to tell how he had 
seen the souls of the departed in a region 
where they were scorched on the one hand by 
raging flames and frozen by intolerable cold 
upon the other. His guide had explained that 
this was the place of chastisement where those 
who had postponed confession and amendment 
to the end of life were disciplined, till at the 
day of judgement they were permitted to enter 
the kingdom of heaven. Many, however, it 
was added, were released before the great day, 
through the prayers, alms, and fasting of the 
living, and above all by the celebration of 
Masses. Under this belief the whole system 

1 Church of our Fathers, ii. 288. 

2 Bede, H. E. v. 12. 


of devotions connected with death and burial 
took shape in the mediaeval Church, and it is 
not surprising that the atmosphere of peace 
and hope and triumph which had character 
ised the earlier treatment of the dead was 
exchanged for one of gloomy apprehension. 

The Gelasian Sacramentary supplies the 
earliest extant forms for use with the dying 
and after death l . It contains commenda 
tions of the departing soul, prayers after 
death, before burial, and after burial, and 
a considerable number of special missae. 
These devotions breathe upon the whole the 
spirit of the earlier belief, although we notice 
in them, and still more in some of the Gre 
gorian forms, occasional indications of the 
influence of the new teaching. 

In the Sarum Manual the rites which follow 
death begin with a Commendatio animarum, 
distinct from the commendation of the soul 
in the article of death which has been already 
described, and consisting of Psalms intermin 
gled with prayers for the departed. The body 
is then washed and spread upon a bier; vespers 
for the day are said, followed by the vigils of 
the dead, the special vespers and special 
mattins commonly known from their respective 
1 Wilson, p. 295 f. 


antiphons as the Placebo and the Dirige or 
" dirge." It is then carried in procession to 
the church, accompanied by a cross-bearer 
and acolytes with lighted tapers, a man with 
a bell going before the corpse to invite the 
prayers of the passers-by ; after him come 
the priest and his ministers, in albs, singing 
Psalms, the body being followed by friends 
of the deceased bearing torches, with the 
mourners in black cloaks. In the church the 
dead is laid with his feet towards the high 
altar. Mass is then said, or if it be too late 
for Mass, the body remains in the church 
until the first Mass of the following day. 
After Mass the priest puts off his chasuble, 
and the special office for the burial of the 
dead (Inhumatio defuncti] begins. The service 
falls into three divisions ; the first to be said 
in church at the head of the body, the second 
on the way to the grave, the third at the 
grave itself. The first consists of antiphons, 
Kyries, and prayers, the precentor and choir 
assisting, while the priest censes the body 
and sprinkles it with holy water. On the 
way to the grave, the Psalms In exitu Israel 
and Ad te, Domine, levavi are sung, and the 
old suffrages said, " Eternal rest grant them, 
Lord, and let perpetual light shine upon 


them." The grave, of which the priest had 
previously cut the first sod in the form of 
a cross, is now opened with the psalm Confi- 
temini, Domino, quia bonus, and the antiphon 
" Open to me the gates of righteousness." 
Then, the grave having been blessed and 
aspersed, prayers for the departed follow, 
and the priest pronounces a final absolution. 
Earth is thrown crosswise on the body, and 
the interment is completed during the sing 
ing of a psalm ; after which the priest says, 
" I commend thy soul to God the Father 
Almighty ; earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust 
to dust : in the Name of the Father and of 
the Son and of the Holy Ghost." On returning 
to the church the clerks sing the penitential 
Psalms or the De profundis, and the priest 
dismisses them with the prayer, " May the 
soul of this person and the souls of all the 
faithful departed rest in peace." 

The office is not wanting in beauty, and 
many of the prayers are ancient, only one or 
two referring to the purgatorial fire in re 
pulsive terms 1 ; but it dwells with a weari 
some monotony on the terrors of death and 
the uncertainty of the state of the departed. 
Even the singing of the choir did not 

1 See e.g. Maskell, Mon. Rit. i. pp. 125, 128. 


brighten the gloom ; no one who has listened 
to the Gregorian music of a continental 
funeral will have forgotten the depressing 
effect. The friends left the grave with no 
" sure and certain hope " ; on the contrary, 
there was the terrible possibility that not 
withstanding the funeral Mass and the many 
prayers offered for the departed, he was still 
in suffering and must continue so for many 
a year. Moreover, the gloom of the funeral 
rites did not end with the burial of the dead ; 
the vigils of the dead and Masses for his 
soul were said from time to time throughout 
the following month, specially on the third, 
seventh, and thirtieth day. " With these 
observances of what was called the month s 
mind, ended the funeral obsequies from 
the earliest to the latest days of [Roman] 
Catholic England V 

The whole system was inseparably con 
nected in the national mind with the doctrine 
of purgatory in its coarsest and most mis 
chievous form, and the Reformers are scarcely 
to be blamed for having submitted the burial 
offices to a more drastic revision than any 
other group of ancient services. Indeed, the 
moderation of their first attempt at a reform 

1 Rock, ii. 517 f. 


is worthy of all praise. In the Prayer Book 
of 1549 the Commendation of departed souls 
disappears, but prayers for the deceased are 
retained throughout the new Order for Burial, 
and sometimes in the very words of the 
ancient forms. The first Prayer Book also 
provided for " the Celebration of the Holy 
Communion, when there is a burial of the 
dead," and here again old materials were 
freely used. Nevertheless the change of 
tone was immense. The new office breathed 
the primitive spirit of peace and hope ; with 
prayers for the departed brother it mingled 
thanksgivings for his happiness, and the 
great lesson from i Cor. xv. restored the 
Apostolic note of triumph over death as 
a conquered enemy. 

In the second Prayer Book the work of 
reconstruction was carried much further ; the 
special forms for use at a funeral Celebration 
were abandoned, and every vestige of direct 
intercession for the dead was swept away. 
The result has been to crush out of English 
life the mediaeval belief in a purgatorial fire, 
but at the cost of sacrificing practices un 
doubtedly dear to the early Church and of 
eliminating from English Christianity one 
important side of the ancient doctrine of the 


intermediate state. It has left us, however, 
an Order for the Burial of the Dead which, 
notwithstanding these defects, is more con 
solatory, more inspiring, and, upon the whole, 
nearer to the spirit of the primitive belief 
than any which was known in England from 
the days of Augustine of Canterbury to the 
middle of the sixteenth century 1 . 

1 Canon Wordsworth reminds me that the consequences 
of the omission of a form for Celebration at burials "began 
at once to be felt and as far as possible supplied. At the 
funeral of Henry II, king of France, which was solemnized 
in St. Paul s, Parker, Barlow, Scory, the Lord Chamberlain, 
and certain noblemen received the Communion (Sept. 9, 
1559)- And not long afterwards (Dec. 5, 1559), the sisters 
of Lady Jane Grey among others received the Sacrament at 
their brother s funeral at Westminster, when Jewel was the 
preacher, and Dr. May, Dean of St. Paul s, the celebrant 
(Strype, Annals, i. cc. 9, 15). Further, in the next year, 
(April 6, 1560), so far as the Queen s power could go, she 
authorized the use of such a service at the Universities, and 
at Winchester and Eton (Cardwell, Doc. Ann. no. 50 ; 
Liturgical Services of Queen Elizabeth, p. 430 f.). And the 
use has been allowed in cathedral and other churches, 
possibly by Overall (Nicholls, p. 65), and in more recent times 
certainly by Bishop Chr. Wordsworth of Lincoln (1872), 
Bishop Mackarness of Oxford (1882) ; and the present 
Bishop of Salisbury in Synod (1896) authorized his clergy to 
apply to him for permission as occasion arose." 



THE Procession occupied an important 
place in the worship of the Church of Eng 
land from the earliest time to the middle of 
the sixteenth century. Not only on special 
occasions, such as the burial of the dead, and 
the consecration of churches and churchyards, 
but on the great festivals of the Christian 
Year, and even on ordinary Sundays and 
certain feriae, processions were conducted 
with prescribed ceremonies and forms of 
psalmody and prayer 1 . Every Sunday be 
fore Mass there was a procession in the 
church. Starting from the choir, it usually 
passed down the south aisle to the font, 
returning up the nave to the rood, where the 
English bidding prayer was said. A similar 
order, with some variations in detail, and the 
omission of the bidding prayer, was observed 

1 Processionale ad Usum Sarum, ed. Henderson, pref, 
p. xi. 


on certain holy days not Sundays. Pro 
cessions also frequently occurred at vespers, 
e. g. on all Saturdays from Trinity to Advent. 
Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent, Holy Week 
and Easter, and the Rogation Days, were 
all marked in this way. On Palm Sunday, 
Ascension Day, and Corpus Christi the pro 
cession paraded the churchyard ; on the 
Rogation Days and St. Mark s Day it went 
beyond the churchyard, into the streets and 
open country. The party consisted of boys 
in surplices carrying holy water, men in albs 
and amices, the officiating priest in a silk 
cope. But the vestments varied in rich 
ness and colour according to the occasion 
or season ; on great feasts the whole choir 
were vested in silk copes. On certain days 
lighted tapers were carried, and incense was 
swung ; banners accompanied the processions 
of Palm Sunday, Rogation Days, Ascension 
Day, and Corpus Christi ; relics were oc 
casionally borne along. On Ash Wednes 
day, Thursday in Holy Week, and the 
Rogation Days, a sermon might be added, 
if the priest thought good. Otherwise, with 
the exception of the concluding collect, the 
service was entirely musical, consisting of 
responds, antiphons, and proses, sometimes 


of psalms, hymns, or litanies. For each day 
in the year to which a procession was as 
signed the Processional supplied an order 
of service with full ritual directions. 

Enough perhaps has been said to show 
how great a blow was struck at the existing 
system of popular worship when a royal 
injunction, in 1547, abolished liturgical pro 
cessions of every kind. The young King, 
acting doubtless on Cranmer s suggestion, 
based his prohibition on certain abuses and 
disadvantages which had been found to attend 
their use ; he was moved by a desire " to 
avoid all contention and strife which hereto 
fore hath risen among the King s majesty s 
subjects in sundry places of his realms and 
dominions by reason of fond courtesy and 
challenging of places in procession, and also 
that they may the more quietly hear that 
which is said or sung to their edifying 1 ." 
For this cause, the injunction proceeds, " they 
shall not from henceforth in any parish 
church at any time use any procession about 
the church or churchyard or other place, 
but immediately before High Mass the priests 
with other of the quire shall kneel in the 
midst of the church and sing or say plainly 
1 Cranmer s Works (Parker Soc.), ii. p. 502. 


and distinctly the Litany, which is set forth 
in English, with the suffrages following." 

The English Litany then is the sole direct 
representative in our present Prayer Book 
of the mediaeval Processional. " The Pro 
cession services," Mr. Bradshaw writes *, 
" correspond to our hymns or anthems sung 
before the Litany which precedes the Com 
munion Service in the morning and after the 
third Collect in the evening ; " and this is of 
course the case in so far as the anthem or 
hymn occupies a place in our services which 
corresponds generally with that which was 
anciently given to the procession. But the 
anthem was not immediately substituted for 
the procession ; indeed, no rubrical provision 
was made for it until the final revision of the 
Prayer Book in 1661. On the other hand, the 
singing of the Litany on Sundays between Mat- 
tins and Mass was, as we have seen, definitely 
ordered with the view of filling up the gap left 
by the abolition of the Sunday procession; and 
the Litany itself isbased on forms which, though 
they are to be found also in the other Service- 
books, belong of right to the Processional. 

The Litany (lelania y laetania) derives its 
name from the Greek word Airai/em, meaning 

1 Prothero, Memoir, p. 423. 


" supplication." The word occurs in Hel 
lenistic Greek in the sense of a supplication 
offered to GOD in time of need or peril, e. g. 
in 2 Mace. iii. 20 we read : " All, stretching 
forth their hands towards heaven, made their 
solemn supplication " (ZTTOLOVVTO r^v Xtrayfiav). 
St. Basil speaks of the use of such litanies 
by the clergy of Neo-Caesarea J , intimating 
that they were of comparatively recent intro 
duction, later than the days of Gregory 
Thaumaturgus, who died about 270. The 
Eastern liturgies contain supplications some 
what analogous in form to those of the later 
Western litanies, but known as Ectenae 
Synaptae (owairro/), or Irenica 
o), and such " missal litanies " are also 
to be found in Western liturgical uses which 
were framed more or less under Eastern 
influences ; those, for example, of Milan and 
of Spain, where they appear under the names 
of preces or preces pacificae. The charac 
teristic feature of these devotions is a refrain, 
usually the Kyrie eleison, following each of 
a series of petitions or invitations to inter 
cession and prayer. In Greek liturgical 
ectenae the litany is generally of the nature 
of a bidding prayer, in which the deacon 
1 Ep. 207, 4. 


bids and the people respond; the Western 
preces, on the other hand, assume the form of 
direct supplication l . 

The word " litany," however, does not 
appear in connexion with Missal intercessions 
of either type. Its normal use is limited to 
Western processional supplications ; so com 
plete is the identification that letania and 
processio are often convertible terms. It is 
from the processional litany that the English 
litany may claim to be directly descended. 

Two annual processions accompanied by 
litanies can be traced back to the fifth and 
sixth centuries, the former at first peculiar to 
the Gallican Churches, the latter to the 
Church of Rome. About the year 470 
Vienne was disturbed by frequent earth 
quakes, the last throes of the volcanic move 
ments in Auvergne. \Vhile the Viennese 
were agitated by these troubles, another 
supervened. On Easter Eve, during the 
vigil service, a fire broke out in the palace 
within the walls of the city ; the people 
fled panic-stricken, leaving their bishop, 
Mamertus, alone before the altar. Mamertus, 
as he knelt there, vowed that he would 
organise " litanies " on the three days pre- 

1 Neale, Essays, pp. 73, 141 ff. 


ceding the coming Feast of the Ascension. 
His vow was kept ; in the words of Gregory 
of Tours l , " he proclaimed a fast, appointed 
a form of prayer, arranged the order of the 
processions and supplications." The result 
seemed to justify the means, for the earth 
quakes ceased. From that time Ascension 
tide rogations were observed annually at 
Vienne, and other Gallican dioceses followed 
the example. In England, probably through 
Gallican influence, they were known before 
the time of Bede, who died on the last of the 
"gang days," when, as Cuthbert explains, 
" they walked from terce onwards with the 
relics of the saints 2 ." Indeed the observance 
would seem to have been of longer standing, 
for in 747, the Council of Clovesho, while 
pressing upon the English Church the obser 
vance of the Roman litany, adds, " Likewise, 
after the custom of our forefathers, let the 
three days before the Ascension of the Lord 
into heaven be kept by fasting till the ninth 
hour and by the celebration of the Mass ... let 
them be marked by the sign of Christ s 
passion and the relics of the saints being 
carried publicly, while all the people on 

1 Hist. ii. 34. 

2 Mayor and Lumby, pp. 178, 406. 


bended knees implore God s pardon for 
their sins V 

At Rome, the Ascensiontide Rogations 
were not introduced before the time of 
Charlemagne. Meanwhile, Rome had a yearly 
litany of her own, the origin of which is 
usually ascribed to Gregory. The day was 
April 25, the festival of St. Mark. In a 
sermon preached on St. Mark s Eve, 590, 
when the plague was raging at Rome, 
Gregory 2 announced the arrangements which 
had been made for a " septiform " procession 
on the following day. The clergy were to 
start from St. John the Baptist s Church, 
the men from St. Marcellinus, the monks 
from the Church of SS. John and Paul, the 
virgins from the Church of SS. Cosmas and 
Damian, the married women from St. 
Stephen s, the widows from St. Vitalis , the 
poor and the children from St. Caecilia s ; 
and the seven processions were to meet in 
one great gathering at the Church of St. Mary 
Major. The selection of the day seems to 
have been determined by local circumstances : 
it had been marked in pagan times by the 
festival of the Robigalia, when the gods were 

* Haddan and Stubbs, iii. p. 368. 

* Greg. M. Ep. ii. 9. 

M 2 


supplicated to keep mildew from the crops ; 
and in using the day for a procession 
the Roman Church followed her customary 
policy of grafting Christian institutions upon 
an older stock. Whether the idea was 
Gregory s or was merely developed and 
matured by him, the St. Mark s Day litany 
became a permanent observance at Rome, 
and with necessary changes it established 
itself in other Churches, at Milan, in Frank- 
land, and in England. Interesting traces of 
the use of the St. Mark s Day procession 
are preserved in the St. Gallen MS. of 
the Gelasian Sacramentary J , and in Sacra- 
mentaries of the Gregorian type, but only 
the collects to be offered at the " stations " 
find a place in these collections ; the litanies 
themselves are wanting. In another of his 
letters Gregory 2 tells that the litany of 
St. Mark s Day was generally known as the 
" Greater." The name is important, because 
it implies that other litanies were in use at 
Rome in Gregory s time. We have already 
mentioned the litany which accompanied the 
procession to the font on Easter Eve. "In- 
cipit clerus litania[m]," the Gelasian rubric 

1 Wilson, pp. xlv, 340; Muratori, i. pp. II, 80. See also 
P. and W. i. p. dccclxxxvii f. ; iii. p. 264. 2 Ep. xi. 2. 


runs, " et procedit sacerdos de sacrario " the 
clerks begin the litany, as the priest goes 
down from the vestry to the font. The 
Sarum Processional provides a litany for 
every Wednesday and Friday in Lent. A 
litany was also used at ordinations, before 
extreme unction and in funeral processions 1 . 
Finally, one was sung in procession at times of 
public necessity, in drought, in bad weather, 
in plague or war. It was such an occasion 
which called forth the first draft of the 
present English litany. In 1543 heavy rains 
at harvest-time ruined the crops, and a famine 
was thought to be imminent. A procession 
was ordered, but the order was not obeyed 
to the satisfaction of the King ; in some 
places the Sarum litany was sung, in others 
they used the versions of the Latin litany 
which were found in the Primers. The 
incident suggested the need of an authorized 
English version of this popular devotion, and 
the next year an Order in Council committed 
to Cranmer the task of preparing such 
a form 2 . The result was the English litany 
of 1 544 ; and it was this litany which with 
a few changes was embodied in the Prayer 

1 Sarum Processional, p. 166. 

2 Hook, Lives of the Archbishops , ser. ii. vol. ii. p. 203. 


Book of 1549. Processions had meanwhile 
been suppressed, but the " General Supplica 
tion " written for processional use has happily 
survived, and is still appointed to be said 
or sung on Sundays, on the days of the 
stationes, and at other times at the discre 
tion of the ordinary. 

The germ of all processional litanies is the 
Kyrie eleison. The words, derived from the 
Greek Psalter (e.g. Ps. xl. (xli.) 4 Kvpie, 
eXeT/o-o^), passed in their Greek form into the 
West, and were in common use at Rome and 
throughout Italy early in the sixth century ; 
a Council of Vaison held in 529 l directs the 
dioceses of South Gaul to introduce into all 
their churches " the sweet and wholesome 
custom of frequently repeating the Kyrie 
which is prevalent throughout the East and 
in Italy, as well as at Rome." Rome, how 
ever, in the days of Gregory 2 , had departed 
from the strictness of the Eastern form, 
varying the strain by Christe eleison: Kyrie 
and Christe were repeated alternately, or the 
choir continued to sing the Kyrie until a nod 
from the officiating bishop or priest warned 
them to " change the litany," when Christe 

1 Cone. Vas. ii. Can. 3. 

2 Greg. M. Ep. vii. 64. 


took its place l . After a time further modi 
fications were introduced. The threefold 
Kyrie, or a double Kyrie with a Chris te 
intervening, seems to have suggested a 
formal invocation of the Holy Trinity; and, 
further, the simple prayer for mercy was 
expanded into a multitude of specific suppli 
cations. In these expansions of the original 
form, the Greek tongue was necessarily 
abandoned, and in place ofe&isonthe refrains 
ended with miserere nobis, or audi nos, parce 
nobis, liber a nos, " hear us," " spare us," 
" deliver us," as the form of the petition 

A far more radical change in the form of 
the litany arose out of the growing tendency 
to regard the saints in the light of inter 
cessors with God. The pious opinion of the 
fourth century, that the saints who were 
commemorated in the liturgy joined their 
prayers with those of the living 2 , ripened 
into a dogma which expressed itself in a new 
system of devotion. The Sacramentaries 
abound in prayers in which God is desired 
to hear and answer the intercessions of His 
saints en behalf of the Church, and refer to 

1 Ord. R. v. 

8 Aug. Setm. 17. 


the aid and protection afforded by particular 
saints to the living. It was not unnatural 
that those who entertained this belief should 
proceed to invite the help of the saints by 
direct invocation. The litanies, as a popular 
and flexible form of devotion, readily lent 
themselves to this practice perhaps from the 
time of Gregory. As early as the eighth and 
ninth centuries this new element in the litany 
threatened to overshadow the old ; the Kyrie 
had almost given way to the ora pro nobis. 
Walafrid Strabo finds it necessary to explain 
that " the litany is not limited to the recita 
tion of names, through which the saints are 
invited to the aid of human frailty 1 ," and 
that the recitation was in fact of compara 
tively recent introduction. Muratori 2 prints 
a litany of the ninth century, of Prankish 
origin, in which a hundred names of saints 
are recited ; another published by Martene 
contains 225 3 . It became usual to arrange the 
names into groups such as angels, apostles, 
martyrs, confessors, virgins, and the litany 
was known as trina, qiiina, septena, according 
as the number of saints under each head was 
three, five, or seven. In some litanies it 

1 De Rebus Eccl. 28. 2 Lititrg. Rom. Vet. i. 74. 

3 P. 629 f. 


rose much higher ; the Saxon Lenten litany 
commemorated twelve saints in each group ; 
in the litany prescribed in the Pontifical of 
Egbert for the dedication of a church, each 
class contains from twenty to six-and-twenty 
names. Nor were the invocations restricted 
to Biblical saints and the greater saints of 
the Catholic Church ; local hagiology con 
tributed its store, and the honoured names 
of recently departed bishops found a place. 
Thus the Litany of Egbert invokes the inter 
cession of St. Cuthbert, who died in 687, and 
of St. Guthlac of Crowland, whose death took 
place in 714, during Egbert s lifetime. 

We proceed to examine the structure of a 
Sarum processional litany ; and as one of the 
most perfect of its kind we will take the 
litany sung on Rogation Days as the proces 
sion went forth into the fields. It begins with 
Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, Christe audi nos. 
Then follows the invocation of the Holy 
Trinity : Pater de caelis Deus, Fill redemptor 
mundi Deus, Spiritus Sancte Deus, Sancta 
Trinitas ^t,nus Deus, each clause followed by 
miserere nobis. Created intercessors are then 
invoked : (i) the Blessed Virgin ; (2) Angels 
and Archangels, Michael, Gabriel and 
Raphael; (3) St. John Baptist; (4) the 


Apostles and Evangelists ; (5) Martyrs ; (6) 
Confessors ; (7) Virgins (twelve of each of 
these classes are enumerated). The "names" 
end with the general invocation, Omnes sancti y 
orate. Then the litany returns to the lan 
guage of direct prayer : propitius esto, parce 
nos, Domine. A series of " deprecations " and 
"obsecrations" follows, to each of which the 
response is Lib era [nos, Domine ] ; then another 
series of "supplications," each ending Te roga- 
tmis. Then follow Agnus Dei thrice repeated, 
Kyrie elcison, the Lord s Prayer, suffrages, 
and collects. The same order is observed 
in the Lenten litany to be found at the end 
of the Psalter of the Breviary, except that 
on the week-days of Lent each day had its 
own list of saints. The Easter Eve litanies 
used before the benediction of the font 
are respectively " septiform" and "quinque- 
partite," i.e. the saints are arranged in groups 
of seven in the one and of five in the other, 
and with the exception of a Kyrie at the be 
ginning of each group, these litanies consist 
exclusively of such invocations. 

In his original draft of the English Litany 
Cranmer admitted the principle of the in 
vocation of saints, although he reduced the 
invocations to a minimum. Only three such 


clauses were admitted, the first addressed to 
" Saint Mary, Mother of God," the second 
to "all Holy Angels and Archangels," the 
third to " Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, 
Martyrs, Confessors, Virgins, and all the 
blessed company of heaven." The medi 
aeval litanies had always carefully pre 
served the distinction between prayers 
addressed to a Person of the Holy Trinity, 
and requests for intercession addressed to the 
angels and saints ; in the latter, ora pro 
nobis had never been exceeded. Such invoca 
tions did not amount to worship even of a 
lower sort; but they assumed a relation 
between the visible and invisible sections of 
the Church for which there was no definite 
authority, and they had certainly tended to 
throw into obscurity the supplications offered 
to God. It was probably for these reasons 
that even the three invocations of created 
intercessors which appeared in 1544 were 
removed from the litany before its admission 
into the English Prayer Book of 1549. With 
this exception the new English Litany follows 
the structure of the mediaeval litanies l . 

1 The liturgy of 1544 may be seen in an appendix to 
Private Prayers put forth during the Reign of Elizabeth 
(Parker Society), p. 570 f. 


There is the invocation of the Holy Trinity, 
followed by " Spare us, good Lord ; " depreca 
tions, obsecrations, supplications, succeed in 
due course ; then the Agnus Dei, the Kyrie, 
Pater, suffrages, and collects. As to the 
substance it is to a great extent the same, 
but compression has sometimes been used, 
and at other times new matter introduced, 
while space and time have been saved by 
grouping together several deprecations under 
one response. A literal rendering of a por 
tion of the Sarum Litany will enable the 
English reader to judge for himself of the 
skill manifested in Cranmer s reconstruction. 
After the invocations the Sarum Litany 
proceeds : 

" From all evil, 
From the crafts of the devil, 
From everlasting damnation, 
From the imminent peril of our sins, 
From the assaults of evil spirits, 
From the spirit of fornication, 
From the desire of vainglory, 
From all uncleanness of mind and body, 
From anger, hatred, and ill-will, 
From unclean thoughts, 
From blindness of heart, 
From lightning and tempest, 
From sudden and unlooked-for death," 

each of these clauses being followed by the 


words " Deliver us, Lord," repeated by the 
choir. Passing to the supplications we find 
in the Sarum Litany the following : 

" We sinners beseech Thee, hear us. 
That Thou wouldest give us peace, we beseech Thee. 
That Thou wouldest deign to govern and defend Thy 
holy Catholic Church, we beseech Thee ; " 

and so forth. In this part of the litany 
Cranmer has allowed himself greater liberty ; 
the supplications have been increased in 
number and many of them are entirely new, 
suggested in several instances, there seems 
to be no doubt, by the Latin Litany of 
Hermann, the reforming Archbishop of 
Cologne, and by an English Litany published 
in Marshall s Primer nine years before the 
appearance of Cranmer s work. In a few 
instances we may regret the loss of supplica 
tions which Cranmer has omitted, e. g. 

"That Thou wouldest deign to keep all Christian people 
redeemed by Thy precious Blood . . . that Thou wouldest 
bestow eternal blessings on our benefactors . . . that Thou 
wouldest enable us to offer Thee reasonable service . . . that 
Thou wouldest raise our minds to heavenly desires . . . that 
Thou wouldest grant to all the faithful departed eternal rest." 

But on the whole the new series is richer and 
fuller than the old, and a monument of the 
great Archbishop s powers as a translator 


and reviser of ancient liturgical forms. In 
the suffrages and collects which follow the 
Lord s Prayer the Archbishop has deserted 
his original in favour of other ancient models 
which he deemed more profitable. The 
collect, " O God, merciful Father," is from 
the " Mass for sorrow of heart " ; the antiphon 
and Psalm with the Gloria which strike like a 
burst of sunshine across the saddest part of 
the office, anciently preceded the Rogation- 
tide litany ; the preces which follow the Psalm 
belonged to the Litany of St. Mark s Day and 
are already to be found in Egbert s Pontifical. 
At the end of the English Litany is a prayer 
which deserves special attention, because it 
has been deliberately adopted from an Eastern 
source. The " Prayer of Chrysostome," as 
Cranmer called it, was doubtless believed by 
the Archbishop to be the work of that great 
bishop of the fourth century. He found it 
in the Liturgy attributed to St. Chrysostom, 
which had already been translated into Latin 
by Erasmus, but was apparently known to 
Cranmer in the original 1 . In the Liturgy of 
St. Chrysostom this prayer is attached to " the 
third antiphon," which corresponds to the 
Western introit. It is found in the same 

1 Burbidge, Liturgies and Offices of the Church, p. 41 ff. 


position in the Liturgy of St. Basil T , so 
that it might with equal or greater justice 
have been called " A Prayer of St. Basil." 
But the peculiar interest of the prayer as a 
part of the English Litany lies in the witness 
it bears to the learning and catholicity of 
the English Reformers. In Cranmer for the 
first time the English Church found a chief 
who had at once the ability and the courage 
to carry out the direction attributed to her 
founder, and to press into her service what 
ever was good in the worship of any Church 
in Christendom. 

1 See Notes, p. 223. 



THE pontifices of pagan Rome were a 
college of priests charged with the general 
supervision of public and private worship. 
Over them was a chief pontiff, usually a 
public man, eminent for his services to the 
State. His name of office lent itself readily 
to the use of the Church. Tertullian, in an 
ironical mood, describes the Bishop of Rome 
as " pontifex maximus, id est, episcopus epi- 
scoporum." At a later time pontifex became 
the ordinary designation of a bishop, while 
the Roman bishop, when his pretensions were 
generally admitted in the West, acquired the 
style of Pontifex pontificum, 

Thus the Pontifical (pontificate^ liber ponti- 
ficalis] is the bishop s book, i. e. the volume 
which supplies the bishop with the offices 
which belong to the episcopal ministrations. 
In the Middle Ages these duties were very 
onerous. The mediaeval bishop was not 


only required to confirm, ordain, and con 
secrate churches and churchyards; all persons 
or things specially dedicated to the service of 
GOD received his blessing. His intervention 
was equally needed at the benediction of an 
abbat or abbess, the coronation of a king or 
queen, the dedication of an altar, the hallow 
ing of a cross, an image, a vestment, or a book. 
At the beginning and end of Lent the bishop 
was particularly busy : on Ash Wednesday 
he blessed and distributed the ashes, on the 
Thursday before Easter he set apart the oils 
for use during the ensuing year ; it belonged 
to him also to expel the penitents and to 
reconcile them after their period of penance. 
It would be easy to add to this list of epis 
copal duties, but enough has been said to 
show that the mediaeval bishop needed a 
separate book of offices peculiar to his order. 
In the Roman Church of the seventh and 
eighth centuries the forms of prayer connected 
with the bishops functions were given in the 
Sacramentaries, while the Ordines supplied 
the ritual directions. The English Church, 
however, had already in the eighth century 
begun to collect offices and rubrics into a 
single volume. The Pontifical of Egbert, 
Archbishop of York (752-766), now preserved 



at Paris in a MS. of the tenth century 1 , 
is the earliest specimen ; the same library 
contains a MS. Pontifical of Dunstan, Arch 
bishop of Canterbury (957-988). The Bene- 
dictional 2 of Robert of Rouen, and a Ponti 
fical which formerly belonged to the Abbey of 
Jumieges, are books of the same character but 
of French origin. 

Mr. Maskell remarks 3 that " the Pontifical 
of any Church is among the scarcest of its 
books existing." He mentions one such MS. 


at Bangor, three or four in the British 
Museum, two in the Cambridge University 
Library (one of them a complete copy of the 
Sarum Pontifical), and one at Exeter. Since 
1596 the printed Roman Pontifical has super 
seded all local collections of the kind within 
the obedience of the Papal see. The Church 
of England has now no authorized book of 
offices for the use of her bishops 4 . When the 
English Prayer Book first appeared it con 
tained no office requiring episcopal interven 
tion except that of Confirmation, which took 
its place, as in the Manual, among parochial 

1 The MS. has been printed by the Surtees Society 
(vol. xxvii). 

2 ^ee Maskell, Mm. Rit. i. p. cxxvii. 3 Ib. p. cxiv. 
4 See Notes, p. 223 f. 


offices for occasional use. The English Ordi 
nation services were subsequently bound up 
with the book, and from 1552 were per 
manently attached to it, although it was not 
till the final revision of 1661-2 that they 
received recognition on the title-page. Other 
offices used by our bishops on certain occa 
sions, such as the Coronation service, and 
the orders for the Dedication of Churches 
and the Consecration of Churchyards and 
Cemeteries J , have never gained a foothold in 
the Book of Common Prayer. 

Thus in our present Prayer Book the 
Sarum Pontifical is represented only by the 
." Order of Confirmation" and the "Form 
and Manner of Making, Ordaining, and Con 
secrating of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." 
The former has been considered in connexion 
with the Manual ; the latter remains to be 
dealt with here. 

In commissioning His Apostles, our Lord 
used the sign of insufflation, with the words, 
" Receive ye the Holy Ghost." It is remark 
able that while the Church used insufflation 
at baptism, she has always shrunk from 
following the example of Christ in the act of 
ordination ; even the words which accom- 

1 On these offices, see Maskell, Men. Rit. iii., p. iii f. 
N 2 


panied the sign were not adopted before the 
twelfth century, and then only in the West. 
The Apostles themselves in sending others 
to any formal ministry used and required only 
imposition of hands and prayer \ This simple 
rite became the essential feature of ecclesi 
astical ordinations, giving to the ceremony 
its common Greek name (x 6 / 00 ^ 7 " 6 " , \ti-po6 t<r to). 
The Latin ordinare, whence our ordination," 
signified merely to " admit into an order ; " 
other terms used by the ancient Church 
point to the election of the clergy by the 
body of the faithful, or to their ministrations 
as the representatives of the Christian priest 
hood. But whatever the designation of the 
rite, it consisted both in East and West, with 
the rarest exceptions, in the laying on of 
hands accompanied by prayer. Other cere 
monies grew up around this central act, but 
the imposition of hands, which in the course 
of time almost disappeared from the rite of 
Confirmation, has maintained its place in 
ordination throughout the Catholic Church 2 . 
The earliest forms of ordination now 
extant are to be found in the eighth book of 
the Apostolical Constitutions. T hey prescribe 

1 Acts vi. 6 ; I Tim. iv. 14, v. 22 ; 2 Tim. i. 6. 

2 See Gore, Church and the Ministry, note G., p. 383 ff. 


that the deacon is to be ordained by the 
bishop laying hands upon him with prayer 1 , 
and the priest in like manner, but with another 
form of words appropriate to his more solemn 
charge 2 . Directions are also given for the 
ordination of a deaconess, a subdeacon, and 
a reader 3 ; in each case the office consists 
merely of the imposition of hands and a 
benediction. For the bishop there is a more 
elaborate ceremonial 4 . He is to be elected 
by the whole body, and, after election, sub 
mitted finally to the approval of the Church 
assembled for the worship of the Lord s day. 
If all agree to pronounce him "worthy," the 
consecration proceeds. " One of the chief 
bishops," standing near the altar with two 
other bishops, offers the Prayer of Consecra 
tion, the rest of the bishops and presbyters 
praying silently meanwhile, and the deacons 
holding the Book of the Holy Gospels open 
over the head of the elect. To the prayer 
of the consecrator the clergy and people 
answer "Amen," and the Eucharist is then 
placed in the hands of the new bishop. The 
next morning he takes his seat with the other 
bishops (tv6povii<r6to ei? TOV CLVT<> 

1 viii. 17, 18. 2 viii. 16. 

3 viii. 19 f, * viii. 3 f. 


TOTTOV Trapa T>V XOITTCOJ^ eTnovcoTrcoj ), receives from 
them all the holy kiss, preaches to his flock, 
and finally celebrates the holy mysteries. 

It will be observed that in this earliest 
detailed account of a consecration no men 
tion is made of any imposition of hands ; in 
place of it the Book of the Gospels is held 
over the head of the elect while the con- 
secrator prays. This strange omission occurs 
also in the forms for the consecration of the 
Bishops of Alexandria and Rome. At first 
sight it seems to be fatal to the hypothesis 
that the imposition of hands is essential to 
a valid ordination, and Dr. Hatch did not 
hesitate to draw that inference 1 . Another 
interpretation has been quite recently put 
upon the facts by Mr. Lacey, which deserves 
serious consideration 2 . The omission appears 
to be limited to the consecration of two or three 
of the greatest bishops of ancient Christen- 
don. The Bishops of Rome and Alexandria 
occupied a position of eminence which seemed 
to entitle them to special privileges in the 
manner of their admission to office. A bishop 
elect of one of these great sees was unwilling 
to receive benediction from those who would 

1 Hatch, Organization^ p. 133 f. 

8 Lacey, L Imposition des Mains, p. 1 7 f. 


be his inferiors. But the Book of the Gospels 
represented the person of Christ ; when it 
was opened over his head it was as if Christ s 
own hands were laid upon him, and Christ 
Himself were acting as consecrator. Other 
Western sees followed the example so far as 
they dared ; they added the imposition of the 
open Gospels, without abandoning the im 
position of episcopal hands. An early instance 
of this may be seen in the Statuta antiqua 
ecclesiae, w 7 hich are believed to represent the 
practice of the province of Aries in the sixth 
century 1 . According to these Gallican canons, 
when a bishop is to be consecrated, each of 
the consecrating bishops touches the head of 
the elect, one of them pronouncing the bene 
diction, while two other bishops hold the 
Book of the Gospels over his head and neck. 

Apart from this special feature which 
characterized the consecration of the Pope, 
in what form did the ancient Church of Rome 
impart orders to her clergy ? 

A letter written in the year 251 by Corne 
lius, Bishop of Rome, to Fabius, Bishop of 
Antioch, and preserved in the Church History 
of Eusebius 2 , contains a list of the clergy of 
various orders then connected with the Roman 

1 Duchesne, Origines, p. 337. 2 vi. 43. 


Church. Under the Bishop of Rome there 
were in the middle of the third century forty- 
six presbyters, seven deacons, seven sub- 
deacons, forty-two acolytes, and fifty- two 
exorcists, readers, and door-keepers. For the 
admission of new members into these eight 
orders certain forms of ordination must already 
have existed. What they were may perhaps 
be gathered from the Canons of Hippolytus, 
which describe at length the ordering of 
bishops, priests, and deacons. The bishop 
is to be chosen by the whole Church, and at 
the time of his ordination a consecrator, 
selected from the bishops and priests, is to 
lay his hand on the head of the elect and 
offer a prescribed form of prayer ; after this 
he receives the kiss of peace from all who 
are present, and the Eucharist is celebrated. 
The priest is similarly ordained, but he is not, 
like the bishop, enthroned. For the deacon 
another form of benediction is provided, 
appropriate to his inferior rank. As for the 
reader, he receives from the bishop the book 
of the Gospels, but no imposition of hands. 

We are on surer ground when we reach the 
Roman Sacramentaries and Ordines of the 
seventh and eighth centuries. It was now 


the custom at Rome to limit the conferring of 


Orders to the four annual fasts of the Church 
year. The " fasts of the four seasons " had 
been observed in the Roman Church from 
the days of Leo I, and not a few of the 
sermons of that great Pope were preached on 
these occasions. These fasts, which corre 
spond roughly with our Ember weeks, were 
held in the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth 
months 1 , i.e. in March, June, September, and 
December. In the time of Gelasius 2 they 
were already regarded as the canonical seasons 
of ordination. On the Thursday and Friday 
of these weeks the Pope or his deputy 
announced the names of the subdeacons or 
deacons belonging to any of the parishes of 
Rome who had been elected into the diaco- 
nate or the priesthood, and charged those 
who were present, if they had aught against 
any of the candidates, to come forward and 
state the objection. If no objection was 
alleged, the ordination followed on Saturday, 
at the Mass of the Vigil. After the Introit 
of the Mass the Pope rose and invited the 
prayers of the congregation for the candidates. 
The Litany was then sung by the schola 
cantoriim, all kneeling. Then the Pope rose 
again, laid his hands on the head of each 
1 Ord. Rom. i. 33. 2 Ep. 9. 


candidate for the diaconate, and pronounced 
a prayer of consecration. After this the 
candidates for the priesthood advanced and 
were similarly ordained. The consecration of 
bishops was conducted with the same ritual, 
excepting that the election was verified, and 
the elect underwent an examination by the 
Pope before hands were laid upon him. The 
ordination of a bishop took place always on 
a Sunday. 

So simple, according to M. Duchesne l , were 
the Roman rites of ordination. Various 
traces of a more elaborate ritual which appear 
in the Gelasian Sacramentary 2 are ascribed 
by the same eminent authority to Gallican 
influence. In the Gallican ordination of 
priests as represented in the Mtssa/e Fran- 
corum, besides the appearance of such Eastern 
customs as the shout of approval, * Dignus 
est/ with which the faithful respond to the 
bishop s inquiry, and the observance of the 
ritual prescribed in the Statuta antiqua, we 
find for the first time the consecration of the 
hands of the new priest or bishop by the use 
of unction and a special prayer. 

The Pontifical of Egbert introduces us to 
the ordination services of the English Church 

1 Origines, p. 339 f. 2 Wilson, p. xxvii. 


in the eighth century. Both the liturgical 
forms and the ceremonial are now much fuller. 
Three forms of prayer are used, known as 
the consccralio, the consummatio, and the dene- 
dictio\ the hands are anointed as in the Galli- 
can ritual, unction is applied to the head 
of the priest and bishop; and in the case 
of each order the insignia of office are com 
mitted to the newly ordained : the deacon 
is vested with the stole thrown over his left 
shoulder ; the priest has the stole placed 
round his neck and over both shoulders, and 
is invested with the chasuble ; the bishop 
receives the pastoral staff and ring, and is 
seated in the episcopal chair. At the im 
position of hands the early Gallican rules 
are observed, the deacon receiving it from 
the bishop alone, the priest from the bishop 
and the priests present, the bishop from the 
bishops present, while the open Gospels are 
held over his neck. 

We may now turn to the forms in the 
Sarum Pontifical. On the Saturday in Ember 
week, after the Collect of Mass, all the 
candidates are presented by the archdeacon; 
and the bishop, having received from him 
assurances as to their fitness, appeals to the 
people to come forward if there is aught 


against any of them. If no objection is 
alleged, the ordination proceeds. First, the 
candidates for the minor orders are succes 
sively ordained door-keepers, readers, exor 
cists, acolytes, and subdeacons. The Kpistle 
follows the ordering of the subdeacons, and 
when it has been read, the candidates for the 
diaconate and priesthood advance and the 
Litany is sung ; in the course of it the 
bishop rises, takes his pastoral staff, and, 
facing the candidates, offers three special 
supplications on their behalf. After the 
Litany the priests elect retire, the deacons 
elect remaining before the bishop. The 
prayers that follow are substantially those of 
Kgbert s Pontifical, but important changes 
have passed over the rite since early Anglo- 
Saxon days. The bishop lays his hand on 
each deacon, saving, "Receive the I Inly 
Ghost." The deacon is vested with the 
dalmatic; the Hook of the Gospels is de- 
liven d to him with the words, "Receive 
power to read the Gosprls in the Church of 
God, both for the living and the dead." 
Then the deacon who is the last to be 
ordained reads the Gospel, the deacons 
retire, and the candidates for the priesthood 
advance. The priest receives the stole and 

ptfli otoit#od coxtabenedictnddq 

lfiiiicrcf pta qs 

tntmdi,C(iiunf &<&&(} otifixiaao 

Cotrfteit oKofitdtr digpmf qis but 
itidttuf tftaf tftam tmchonemtf 
tnrnn bmcdichonon.uc qucomq: cotrfe / 
cnrucntir tonffatnc,* quccutiq^baiEdi 



aim c^bUtaC & talictm cum tttno dor 

ftngtflif dicntf ad eof leraa ^ sroct: 

pcct&ro offcrrt Cdcrtftou dox 

oioao trobt qm tn achHnwmn d& 
ro nft Cfltraf dicpnc pt^n.bmc 
dichone dtmtnmxmcnf mdulgttradm 



chasuble, as in Egbert s rite. The Veni 
Creator is sung, all kneeling, the bishop 
beginning. After the consecration of the 
hands, the paten with oblates and the chalice 
containing wine are put into them with the 
words, 4< Receive power to offer sacrifice to 
God, and to celebrate Mass both for the 
living and the dead." The Mass then pro 
ceeds, the bishop celebrating. Just before 
the poslcommunio, the bishop again lays his 
hand on each of the new priests, saying, 
" Receive the Holy Ghost; whose sins thou 
dost forgive, they are forgiven, and whose 
sins thou dost retain, they are retained." 

The consecration of a bishop elect, which 
in obedience to the Roman rule could take 
place only on a Sunday, is a rite of much 
complexity. Before Mass begins, the elect 
is examined at great length upon his readi 
ness to perform the duties of the episcopal 
office, and upon his faith. After the Gradual 
he appears fully vested, with the exception of 
the mitre, the staff, and the ring, and is pre 
sented by two bishops to the archbishop of 
the province. The Litany is said with special 
supplications, after which, while two bishops 
hold the Book of the Gospels over the neck 
of the elect, all the other bishops touching 


his head, the consecrator begins Veni Creator. 
The head and hands of the elect are then 
consecrated with chrism and oil. Finally, 
the staff, ring, and mitre are blessed and pre 
sented to him, and the Book of the Gospels 
is delivered, suitable words accompanying 
the delivery of each of these insignia. 

This is but an outline of the Roman, Galli- 
can, Anglo-Saxon, and Sarum rites ; but it is 
sufficient to show how gradually the apostolic 
laying on of hands gathered round it in the 
course of centuries the complicated ceremonial 
of mediaeval times. Much of the later ritual 
in both the Roman and the Sarum books was 
borrowed from Gaul ; other features arose 
naturally out of the growing love of symbol 
ism. Beside this accumulation of ceremonies, 
important changes were made between the 
eighth century and the thirteenth in the 
verbal forms of ordination ; the Veni Creator, 
the Accipe Spirit urn Sanctum, the formulas 
for the delivery of the instrument a, were 
quite unknown to the Sacramentaries and 
even to the earlier of the Pontificals. No 
valid objection can be taken to these forms 
or ceremonies on the ground of late introduc 
tion, for it is admitted that the Church has 
power to ordain rites and ceremonies in 


addition to those of apostolic or primitive 
authority, provided that the additions are not 
inconsistent with the original rite. On the 
other hand, such accretions cannot fairly be 
held to be of the essence of the rite ; or, in 
technical language, the " matter " and " form " 
of Holy Orders are not to be sought in them, 
still less to be restricted to them. 

In the English Ordination Service annexed 
to the First Prayer Book, and with some 
important changes incorporated in our present 
book, there is certainly nothing like a whole 
sale rejection of mediaeval additions. Not 
only does our Ordinal follow ancient prece 
dent in connecting the bestowal of Holy 
Orders with the celebration of the Holy 
Communion, and in its strict adherence to the 
old rule, long adopted throughout the West, 
which requires the presbyterate to join with 
the bishop in the laying on of hands upon 
a priest, and three bishops at least to take 
part in the consecration of a bishop ; not 
only does the Anglican Church follow the 
example of the ancient Roman Church in 
limiting the ordination of deacons and priests 
to the four annual seasons of fasting and 
prayer, and the consecration of a bishop to 
Sundays or holy days ; not only do the 


prayers of the Ordination Service rest ulti 
mately on the ancient forms ; but we have 
retained such late additions as the Veni 
Creator and the Accipe Spiritum Sanctum, 
and the delivery of a book as the sign of 
office. On the other hand,we have abandoned, 
as in Baptism and Confirmation, the use of 
unction ; we no longer practise the formal 
vesting of the ordinands, or the use of the 
words which assigned to the priest the power 
of offering sacrifice ; and since 1552 we have 
ceased to deliver the chalice to the priest or 
the pastoral staff to the bishop. 

Whatever may be thought of the expe 
diency of these omissions, there is no reason 
for suspecting that they affect the validity 
of Orders conferred after the English rite 1 . 
Ceremonies which were unknown to the 
Church of the first three centuries and are still 
unknown to the Eastern Church cannot be 
essential to the act of ordination. As to the 
forms, no particular words have come down 
to us invested with apostolical or Catholic 
authority; it is sufficient that prayer should 
accompany or precede the imposition of hands. 

1 On this question the reader may consult with advantage 
Bp. J. Wordsworth, De Validitate Ordinum Anglicanorum, 
p. 1 8 ff. ; or E. Denny and T. A. Lacey, De Hierarchies Angli- 
cana Dissertatio Apologetica cc. 3, 5. 


No early forms of ordination include a delivery 
of the instrumenta, or the words " Receive 
the power of offering sacrifice." The English 
priest receives the Holy Ghost " for the office 
and work of a priest in the Church of God," 
and the words include all the functions which 
belong to his order, whatever they may be. 
On the other hand, it is not maintained that 
the words which we use at the ordering of 
priests are indispensable. We have omitted 
the Accipe Spiritum Sanctum, in the making 
of deacons l ; if we retain it in the conferring 
of the higher order, it is because these words 
of Christ seemed to our Reformers the most 
appropriate which could be used at that 
solemn moment, and the most suggestive of 
the source from which the priest may look for 
strength. No words could so well impress 
upon him the profound truth that " whether 
we preach, pray, baptize, communicate, con- 
demn, give absolution, or whatsoever, as 
disposers of GOD S mysteries, our words, 
judgements, acts, and deeds are not ours, but 
the Holy Ghost s V 

1 Comp. Churton, On the Er.glish Ordinal, p. 19. 

2 Hooker, E. P. v. 77, 8. 


PAGE 9. 

Bede, H. E. \. 27. Interrogatio Aitgustini. Cum una 
sit fides, sunt ecclesiarum diversae consuetudines, et altera 
consuetude missarum in sancta Romana ecclesia, atque 
altera in Galliarum tenetur. Respondit Gregorius papa. 
Novit fraternitas tua Romanae ecclesiae consuetudinem, in 
qua se meminit nutritam. Sed mihi placet, sive in Romana, 
sive in Galliarum, seu in qualibet ecclesia, aliquid invenisti 
quod plus omnipotent! Deo possit placere, sollicite eligas, 
et in Anglorum ecclesia, quae adhuc ad fidem nova est, 
institutione praecipua, quae de multis ecclesiis colligere 
potuisti, infundas. Non enim pro locis res, sed pro bonis 
rebus loca amanda sunt. Ex singulis ergo quibusque 
ecclesiis, quae pia, quae religiosa, quae recta sunt elige, et 
haec quasi in fasciculum collecta, apud Anglorum mentes in 
consuetudinem depone. 

PAGE 19. 

Besides the Canonical Hours the mediaeval Church 
observed Hours in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, known 
as the " little office." Originally a monastic devotion, these 
Hours were by a canon of the Council of Clermont in 1098 
made obligatory on the secular clergy, and eventually became 
popular with the laity. The richly illuminated Horae, so 
conspicuous in all collections of mediaeval MSS., are of this 
type. Other devotional matter gathered round the Hours of 
the Virgin, just as in the case of the Breviary, and the Horae 
B. V. Mariae secundum usum Sarum had its kalendar, its 

O 2 


penitential and gradual psalms, its litany, and especially the 
Vigils of the Dead, the Dirige and Placebo, and the Com 
mendation. In this fuller form the Horae became the prayer- 
book of the educated laity, and the wealthy procured copies 
for their own use, written oftentimes in a minute hand, and 
adorned with exquisite vignettes and marginal decorations. 

The Horae formed the basis of an English book which to 
some extent prepared the laity for the rendering of the services 
into the mother tongue. The English Hours were known 
as the Prymer, or Primer, and several MSS. of this kind have 
survived from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Speci 
mens may be seen in Mr. Maskell s Monuuienta Ritualia, 
vol. ii. ( =iii. ed. 1882) ; the Early English Text Society has 
recently published the text of a Prymer c. 1420-30 A.D. pre 
served in the Cambridge University Library (London, 1895). 

PAGE 34. 

Basil, Epp. ii. 207. Ta vvv KfKpaT^Kora edi) iraarats rat? TOV $6ot5 
(KK\t]alais avixpdd eori KOU (Ttyi0tt?a. eK VVKTOS ycip opflpifci 
Trap fjfjuv 6 Xaoy eVi TOV otKov TTJS Trpotrevx^s /cat Iv nova KO\ 

T<OV 7rpO(Tfv^a)V els rfjV 
Kai vvv p.fv oixf) diavfp]6evTfS ai>Ti\lra\\(,v( 
7T(i\iv 7riTpf\lfavT(S (in K.aTap%eiv TOV peXovs, ot XOITTOI i 
Kal ovTas ev TT} TTOtKiXi a rrjs v/^aX^wSta? rfjv VVKTO 
/iera^v 7rpoavx6[j.fvoi, fjfjiepas fjdr] vTro\afJiTrov<n]S, TrdvrfS Koivfj 
ws e^ fvos orro /iaTOff KOI /jaas Kapdias TOV TJJS 
cov ava(f)fpovo~i T 

PAGE 35, 

Sihriae Peregr., ed. 2, 1888, p. 45. Singulis diebus ante 
pullorum cantum aperiuntur omnia hostia Anastasis, et 
descendent omnes monazontes et parthenae, ut hie dicunt, et 
non solum hii, sed et laici praeterea, viri aut mulieres, qui 
tamen volunt maturius vigilare; et exeahora usque in lucem 
dicuntur ymni et psalmi responduntur, similiter et anti- 
phonae ; et cata singulos ymnos fit oratio. Nam presbyteri 
bini vel terni, simiiiter et diacones, singulis diebus vices 

NOTES. 213 

habent simul cum monazontes, qui cata singulos ymnos vel 
antiphonas orationes dicunt. lam autem ubi ceperit 
lucescere, tune incipiunt matutinos hymnos dicere ; ecce et 
supervenit episcopus cum clero, et statim ingreditur intro 
spelunca et de intro cancellos primum dicet orationem pro 
omnibus ; commemorat etiam ipse nomina quorum vult, sic 
beneclicet cathecuminos. Item dicet orationem et bencdicet 
fideles . . . Hora autem decima (quod appellant hie licinicon 
[TO Xvxwje<fo>], nam nos dicimus " lucernare") similiter se 
omnis multitudo colliget ad Anastasim, incenduntur omnes 
candelae et cerei, et fit lumen infmitum . . . dicuntur etiam 
psalmi lucernares, sed et antiphonas diutius . . . et diacono 
dicente singulorum nomina semper pisinni plurimi stant 
respondentes semper Kyrie eleyson . . . dicet episcopus stans 
benedictionem super cathecuminos . . . item benedicet fideles 
episcopus, et sic fit missa Anastasi. 

PAGE 44. 

Bede, H. E. i. 26. Erat autem prope ipsam civitatem ad 
orientem ecclesia in honorem sancti Martini antiquitus facta 
dum adhuc Romani Brittaniam incolerent, in qua regina, 
quam Christianam fuisse praediximus, orare consueverat. 
In hac ergo et ipsi primo convenire, psallere, orare, missas 
facere, praedicare, et baptizare cocperunt ; donee rege ad 
fidem conveiso maiorem praedicandi per omnia et ecclesias 
fabricandi vel restaurandi licentiam acciperent. 

PAGE 45. 

Bede, H. E. iv. 18. Accepit et praefatum lohannem 
abbatem Brittaniam perducendum, quatenus in monasterio 
suo cursum canendi annuum, sicut ad sanctum Petrum Romae 
agebatur, edoceret ; egitque abba lohannes ut iussionem 
acceperat pontificis, et ordinem videlicet, ritumque canendi ac 
legendi viva voce praefati monasterii cantores edocendo, et 
ea quae totius anni circulus in celebratione dierum festorum 
poscebat etiam litteris mandando. Quae hactenus in eodem 
monasterio servata et a multis iam sunt circumquaque 
transscripta. Non solum autem idem lohannes ipsius mona 
sterii fratres docebat, verum de omnibus pene eiusdem 


provinciae monasteriis ad audiendum eum qui cantandi erant 
periti confluebant ; sed et ipsum per loca, in quibus doceret, 
multi invitare curabant. 

PAGE 74. 

Professor Skeat has favoured me with the following 
luminous account of the process by which missa has passed 
into the English mass. " There were two pronunciations of 
Latin, the one polite, the other vulgar, in the early centuries 
after A.D. 400. The polite Latin i is always /in Folk-Latin, 
which is the real source of the Romance languages ... for 
example, forvirufem the Folk-Latin had ver dem, which is the 
source of Ital- verde, French vert, &c. ... In Italian the 
Latin mittere is mettere . . . Hence came Ital. messa ; French 
messe \ Old High German, messe; early Anglo-Saxon 
messe . . . The later A.S. form became masse (with a as in 
cat, and final e sounded). This was respeltby French scribes 
(temp. Edvv. I) as masse, and hence not only modern English 
mass, but -mas as a suffix. This change from Latin z, through 
e, to English a, is rare ; but there is a case not very unlike ; 
the Lat. mirabilia, neut. pi., became fern. sing, in French as 
merveille, and hence we have marvel in English. But here 
the^ became a owingto the following r\ zi.varmin] Varsity . . . 
The A.S. messe must have come in with St. Augustine, about 
A.D. 600. But already, by A.D. 500, the Folk-Latin was in 
the ascendant. This seems to explain the matter sufficiently." 
In another letter Professor Skeat adds : " The earliest quota 
tion I can find for the A.S. form messe is in a Canterbury 
charter of Oswulf (805-831), printed by Kemble (i. 293), and 
in Thorpe s Diplomatariiim, p. 461, and Sweet s Oldest 
English Texts, p. 444. But it must have been known in the 
seventh century." 

PAGE 78. 

Didache, C. 9> Io > T 4 Hep! &e TTJS et/^apicrrtaf, oura> ev^opt- 
(Trjj<raT. TT/JCOTOJ/ ircpi rou BOTtjptov Ev^aptOTOV^uf croi, Trartp 
rjfiwv, vTrep TTJS ayias d/urcXou AaiuS TOV iraidos ffav ijs eyv^piffas 
rjfjuv dia l^crou rov TraiSos crov cro! ?) 8oa fls TOVS alwvas. ?rep! 
fie rov KXacr/mros Ei ^aptcrroC /ieV croi, JTarcp ijfubv, virep rys ^corjs 
Kcii yfaxrecos ijs cyvwpiaas IIJMV 8ia irjcruv TOV naidos crou* (joi ^ 
5oa (Is TOVS al&vas. uxrnfp rjv TOVTO icXtiorjua ^LeaKopiria ^vov 
iiTiivu) rcov opetov Kal UVlHi%uV eyfveTO v, OVTCO (rvva^B!ir<f> (rou 
fj KK.\r]<ria dno r&v TrepaTcoj/ TTJS yrjs els rrjv vr]v /SaaiXetaj/ on 

NOTES. 215 

<TOU f(TTiv T) 6\ja Kal 17 did ir/troG Xptorou fls rou? alwvas. 
fj.r)8els 8e (paye rco /zr/fie Trtere airo rijs fv^apioriaff up.a>i/, aXX ot 
PaTTTKrdevTes ei? oz/ojua Kupt ou* KOI yap Trepi rourou (IptfKCV 6 
Kvpios MJ) dairf TO ayiov rots KVCTI. /tzera 8e ro ffj.7r\Tj(r6rji>aL 
OVTCOS eu^apioTTjo are. Eu^apiorou/zev aoi, Trnrfp ayif, 
TOU ayiov ov6p.a.TGS (rov ov KaTfffKTjvtocraS ev rais Kap&iaiS 
K.ii inrep TTJS yvtiHTeas Kcil TTtcrTfaj? Kat adavaaias TJS e -yj/copto dS 
rjfjuv fiia l^croO rou TratSo? (jou* croi j] 8o^a ety rous 1 aicova?. 2u, 
7ravrd/c/mTOp, fKTiaas TO. -navra Zvexev TOV ovdpaTos vov* 
re Kat TTOTOV e ScoKos roty avdpwTrois fls anoXavaiv^ Iva aoi 

TJ/LltV T6 f ^nplVa) mffVflOTtKtff TpO(pfjV KOI TTOTOV 

KOI a>rjv alwviov dia TOV TTUIOOS aov. Trpo Travrutv cv^apwrrov^icy 
aot on 8vvaros el (rot ?] 5o^a et? rou? nico^a?. fJLvrjadrjTi, Ki pte, 
r^? fKK\rjo-ias <rov TOV pv<rao-@ai avTijv dno iraVTos irovrjpov 
KOI Tf\(i)(Tai avTfjV Iv rfj dyeing o~ov, /cat avva^ov avTr]V OTTO T>V 
reaadpwv avcfUHf, TTJV ayiaadeurav els rr)v o-f]v f3a<rtXcuu rjv 77701- 
fiao~as O.VTT) on troy eo~Tiv f] ovvcifjus KOI rj ooa els TOVS alwvas. 
i E\0TOi) %dpis, Kal TrapeX^ero) 6 KOO~/MO? OVTOS. Qcravva TW $ea> 
Aaut 5. Et n? ayto? eo~Tiv, ep^cV^a)* et rt? ou/c eVn, fteravofi rco. 
(i, d/JLTjv. rot? 8e TrpocpfjTais eVtrpeTrere v)(apio~Telv ocra 
. . . Kara KvpiaK^v de Kvpiov (Twa^devres (tXa<rar< aproj/, 
e 7rpoe^op.o\oyrja dfj,ei>oi TCI TrapaTrrobjuara u/nwj/, 
ti/a KaQapa. f] 6vaia rjpa>v 17. Tray 6e e^coi/ r;)v o/zf>t/3oXioi/ /icra 
rou erat pov avroi) ft)) o~vve\0TO) ecos ov SiaXXa-ycotTii/, tra //f) 
KoLVtodfj rj OviTLa { /iajj/ aurj; yap eVni/ 77 prjdeio-a vno Kvpiov Ev 
roTra) xai XP^ V V 7rpo<r<j)epeiv poi Oucriav nadapdv. 

PAGE 82. 

Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 65, 67. 

Se /zero ro our coy Kal 777 rou i^X/ou \fyop.fvfl 

roj/ 7reTTfi(rp.vov Kal f]p.epa 7idvTO>v Kara TroXeiy rj 

ip.(vov eVt rous dypnvs p.i/6vT6)v eVt ro aur6 

Xeyo/xer/ov? ddf\(povs 3yOftV t avveXevcris yivfTai, Kat ra a;ro- 

ev^a o-vvt]yiJ.voi eta/, Koivas p.vrjp,ovevp.aTa TWV aTroj-rdXcoz/ 

fv\a.s TTOirjao/jL^voL . . . aXX^Xouff r^ ra o~vyypdp./JLaTa TO>V irpo- 

eVetra 7rpoo~- ey^oopet. Et ra Traucrapei/ou rou 

fli rw 7rpoeo~ra)rt rcov nm-ytvcocrKoi TOs 6 Trpoeo rcos Sta 

d8e\(po)v apTOs Kal TTOTTJPIOV Xo -you r?)^ vov6eo~iav Kal rrpo- 

Kai Kpa/xaror, Kat euros K\r)o~iv TTJS TO>V Ka\u>v TOVTUV 


\a(B(ov alvov Kcii $dai> TO Trarpl pipyae a>s Trotemu. cTTf ira avi- 

Toi)V o\wv did TOV dvofiaros TOV (rrdfitda Koivfj irdvTes Kal fv\ds 

vtoO Kai TOV nvfuuaTOS TOV ire/jLTrojAev Kal as TTpoecpr/fjifv, 

dyiov dvanf/JLTrei Kal (v^a/NOTiai* iravo-ap-evuv fju&v rfjs fvxijs 

vnep TOV Karrj^iuto-Qai TOVT&V (ipros Trpoo^eperai Kai oli os KOI 

nap OVTOV enl TTO\V Troietrat. vdcop, Kal 6 Trpofaroo? (v\(ts 

ov o~WTe\aavTO<: TUS (v%as 6/j.oicos Kal V%apurTias t oo~r) 

Kal Tr/v V)(apio~TUiv was 6 touvufus aurco, (ivane/Jurei, Kal 

Trcipuv \abs fnev^rj/jLel Xeycoj/ 6 Xao? TTfv(pr]nei Xeyvv TO 

Autjv. . . fv^apio~TT]a avTos oe A/jtfjv Kal f) duidoais Kal rj 

TOV 7rpo(o~T(t)Tos Kal enewpr)- /U6raX^\^ts arru T)V fi^aj>io~TTj- 

TTavTt/s TOV Xaov 01 6ei>T<jov fKaaro) yiverai, Kal Tols 

7Tp T]\MV dtaKovoi ov Trapovai dia T&V 
8i86aaiv CKUCTTCO T(0)V 

etv OTTO rou ei 
a t )TOv Kal o ivov Kal 
j/daror, Kai rots ov napovo-iv 

PAGE 85. 

Cyril Hier. Cat. Myst. v Eoapaicare TOIVVV TOV StaKovoi/ TOV 
vtyao-Qai Sidovra TW if pel Kal Tols WK^ovai TO Qvaiaari ipiov TOV 
6(ou Trp(0~[3vT6pois . . . fir a /3oa 6 diaKovos A\\r)\ovs oTroXa/Sere, 
Kai d\\rj\ovs do~Tra^a)fi6a . . . ^era TOVTO jSoa 6 iepsvs " Ava) ra? 
Kapdias . . . eira d7roKpiveo~6e / Exnuv trpos TOV Kvpiov . . . fira 6 
upevs Xeyei Evxapiarijo-oofjiev raj Kupia) . . . eira Xeyfre " A^LOV Kai 
ftucatoy. /ifra Taf p ra p.vrjp.ovfvo^v ovpavov Kal yrjs [the Preface 
and Sanctus]. etra . . . 7rapaKa\ovp.fv TOV (pi\dvdpa>7rov 6eov TO 
ay.ov nveifjLa e^aTrocrreiXai eVi ra trpOK*iptva Iva TTOITJO-TJ TUV pzv 
tipTov o~(op.a XptoroO TOV 8e ulvov alp.a XpicrroO . . . etra . . . Trapa- 
Ka\ov/Jiev TOV 6eov vrrep KOIVTJS TUV (KK\T](TI)V elpTjVrjs . . . Kal 
a7T(i(J7rXa)? vrrep iravTav fiorjdeias deopfvav decfj.fda irdvTes rjpelf 
Kal TavTTjv 7rpoo-^)epo/x6t/ Trjv dvcriav. ft ra p.vr]/jioveLOfj.ev TWV 
oi/ . . . eira p.era raura TTJV ev%r]V Xeyouev T)I> 6 
Ttapedo)K TOIS oiKeiois avTOV p,adr)Tals . . . eira /nera rr]V 
iv TTJS (vx^js \eyeis Afj,r ]v . . . /zera ratra Xe-yei 6 iepevs 
Ta ayia TO IS dyiois . . . eira v^els Xe yere Et? ayjor, els Kvplot t 
IrjTovs Xpiaros . . . /xera raura aKovfTe TOV \l/d\\ovTOs /xera p.e\ovs 
Qflov Trporpeno/ieVoi; vpas els TI}V Koivaviav TWV dyitov /Liuo-r^pi coj/ 
Kai XeyovTOS Tfvcrao-de KOI i Serc on xprjarbs d Kvpios . . . [The 
communicant receives Xeytov TO Afj.r t v. The final direction 
is : dvapeivas Tr]v evxn v fv\apio-TCl TO) flew TOJ Kara s icoaai/ri ore 

TOJV T^XlKOUTCOJ/ fJLVO-Tt]pl(i)v]. 

NOTES. 217 

PAGE 91. 

The following fragment of a Gallican Mass for Christmas 
Eve was found some years ago in the library of Gonville and 
Caius College, on a leaf written in the eighth century, and 
pasted into the binding of a later MS. 


Misericors qui nescientibus fuisti misertor per Christum 
Dominum nostrum, qui pridie quam pateretur . . . 


Deus qui hanc sacratissimam noctem per beatae Mariae 
sacrae uirginis partum sine humana concupiscentia procrea- 
tum ueri luminis fecisti inlustratione clarescere ; da nobis, 
quaesumus, ut cuius lucis mysterium in terra cognouimus, 
eius quoque gaudiis in caelo perfruamur. Ex his quoque 
sacris libaminibus odor ad te suauitatis ascendat, atque in 
his benedictio a te copiosa descendat, ut per mysterium tuae 
operationis fiat nobis eucharistia legitima et uerus sanguis. 
in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti in saecula 


Totis sensibus hodiernum, Domine, sacrificium celebramus 
quo nobis ipsius sacrificii sunt nata primordia, per eundem 
dominum nostrum lesum Christum cuius orantes uerba 
recitamus dicentes Pater. 


Libera nos omnipotens Deus ab omnibus malis, et praesta 
ut natus hac nocte Saluator mundi, sicut diuinae nobis 
generationis est auctor ita et inmortalitatis sit ipse largitor, 
quod ipse praestet. 


Populum tunm, quaesumus, Domine, pio fauore prosequere, 
pro quo dignatus es in hac sacratissima nocte tuam mundo 
praesentiam exhibere >J >J< *fc A cunctis eum aduersitatibus 
paterna pietate custodi, pro quo in mundo hoc tempore ex 
uirgine dignatus es nasci ; ut in te semper exultans re- 
demptionis suae principale munus intellegat et tua uera. . . . 


PAGE 118. 

The following table will show the narrative 
form, as compared with 

S. JAMES 1 . 


Ei/ TTJ WKTl fj 7rape8i<*OTO, 
p.d\\ov 8e cavTov TrapeSt Sou, 

TTJS TOV KOO~p-OV &)/)$", 

> (ipTov eVt ra>v dyia>v Kal 
Tcw KOI ddavaTiav atrou 
dvalS\\lsns els TOV 
ovpavov KOL dva8fi^as aol TOO 

pfTttiiKf ros yois Ka 

pi oi? atroG p,a6t]Tais Kal drro- 

TOVTO p.OV fri TO OTO)jLl(J, TO VTTfp 

VfjiteV K\<j)fj.(vov Kal Stri 

fls a(f)f(nv d/zapTicoi/. 

p.(Ta TO. denrvrjo ai Aa/Scoy TTO- 

rrjpiov KfKpap.evov e^ o ivov Kal 

vSaros dvaXeas . 


avrov irdvrfs TOUTO 
U eon TO atp-a, TO T^? Kaivfjs 

TO OvfLS (fpeo-ivfjLapTLwv. TOVTO 

TTOie lTC (Is TI]V fjL 

oaaKisydp eav fcrdirjTf 


nivrjTf, TOV 6a.vo.TOv TOU vlov 
TOU dvOpG)7rov KttTayye \\eTf KOI 
T>]v dv(. io~Tao~iv avTov 6p.oXo- 

Qui pridie quam pateretur 
accepit panem in sanctas ac 
venerabiles manus suas ele- 
vatis oculis in caeluin ad te 
Deum patrem suum omni- 
potentem, tibi gratias agens, 
benedixit, fregit, dedit dis- 
cipulis suis dicens, Acci- 
pite et manducate ex hoc 
omnes : hoc est enim corpus 
meum. Simili modo postea- 
quam coenatum est, accipiens 
et hunc praeclarumcalicem in 
sanctas ac venerabiles manus 
suas, item tibi gratias agens, 
benedixit, dedit discipulis 
suis dicens, Accipite et 
bibite ex eo omnes : hie est 
enim calix sanguinis mei 
novi et aeterni testamenti, 
mysterium fidei, qui pro 
vobis et pro multis effundetur 
in remissionem peccatorum. 
Haec quotiescunque feceritis 
in mei meinoriam facietis. 

1 So, with verbal changes, St. Mark, St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, 

2 So Sarum, and all liturgies of the Roman family. 



of the Institution in its ancient liturgical 
that of the English order : 

PAGE 118. 


ENGLISH (1549). 

Dominus noster lesus 
Christus in qua nocte tra- 
debatur accepit panem, et 
gratias agens benedixit ac 
fregit, deditque discipulissuis 
dicens, Accipite et mandu- 
cate : hoc est corpus meum 
quod pro vobis tradetur ; quo- 
tiescunque manducaveritis, 
hoc facite in meam com- 
mernorationem. Similiter et 
calicem postquam coenavit 
dicens, Hie est calix novi 
testamenti in meo sanguine 
qui pro vobis et pro multis 
effundetur in remissionem 
peccatorum ; quotiescunque 
biberitis, hoc facite in meam 
commemorationem. Quoties 
cunque manducaveritis panem 
hunc et calicem istam biber 
itis, mortem Domini annun- 
tiabitis donee ueniat. 

Who in the same night 
that he was betrayed, took 
bread, and when he had 
blessed and given thanks, he 
brake it and gave it to his 
disciples, saying : Take, eat, 
this is my body which is 
given for you ; do this in 
remembrance of me. Likewise 
after supper he took the cup, 
and when he had given 
thanks, he gave it to them, 
saying : Drink ye all of this, 
for this is my blood of the 
new testament, which is shed 
for you and for many, for 
remission of sins : do this as 
oft as you shall drink it, in 
remembrance of me. 

Gasquet and Bishop (p. 444) maintain that the English 
form is due to Lutheran sources and not directly to the 
Mozarabic. On the other hand there seems to be some 
probability that Cranmer had formed an independent ac 
quaintance with the edition of the Mozarabic missal published 
by Cardinal Ximenes A. D. 1500; see Burbidge, p. 175, ff. 


PAGE 119. 

The Invocation in 1549 was as follows : 

" Hear us (O merciful Father) we beseech thee ; and with 
thy holy Spirit and word vouchsafe to bless and sanctify 
these thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine that they may 
be unto us the body and blood of thy most dearly beloved 
Son Jesus Christ." 

It immediately preceded the Narrative of the Institution. 

PAGE 125. 

Didache, C. 7 Hepi e roO /SaTmV/zaTO? OVTO> 
raDra TTUVTU Trpofurovres /SaTrricruTe els TO OVO/JLO. TOV irarpos KOI 
TOV woC KO.\ TOV ayiov 7rvevfj.aTos ev vSaTi a)vri eav 5e /u/) \flS 
vda>p ooi/, els XXo v8cop pdiTTio~ov el ov ftvvavai ev \//i;^pa>, tv 
0epp.qi eav de afJKpoTfpa p,r) ^$"5 eK^eov els T/)I> Ke<fia\r]v rpls vdap 
eis ovopa Trarpoy /cal viov KOL ayiov nvtv/jiaTos. npo de TOV /3a7m- 
a/iaros Tfpovr]o-TvaaTco 6 (Banrifav KOI 6 j3<nrTiofj.(vos, Kal e L Tives 
nAXoi SuvavTdi, KeXeveis 8e vr)o~Tevorai TOV ^aiTTi^op.fvov npo p.ias 
rj dvo. 

PAGE 125. 

Justin M. Apol. i. 6l "Oaoi av Treio-dwa-i KOI Triorevao-iv 
aXrjdrj raiiTa TCI v^> rjfj.5)v 8iftao~K6p.eva KOI \ey6p.(va elvni, Kal 
f3i.ovv OVT&S dvvaadat \mio~ xy&vTai, ev^eaOai Te K.a\ alreiv 
rrapa TOV 6eov TO>V npor]papTr]nei (i)V affxo iv didd- 
)! crwev^o^voiv Kal (rvnnj<TTv6rtan> avrois. eTretra 
ciyovTai v(j) rjp.5)v evda v8a)p eVri, Kai TpOTfov avayfvvt ]0~ea>s ov 
Kal rjfj.e ts avTol dvayewrjdrjfjifv avaytwcovTai en oj/o /naros ynp 


lr)o-ov XptorroO Kal irvetpaTOS ayiov TO lv TW vdaTi TOTC \ovrpov 
. . . KnXemu 8e TOVTO TO \ovrpbv (pa>TLO~fJ.6s ) o>s (pcon^o- 

PAGE 126. 

Tertullian, de Baptismo, 19 ; de Cor on. Mil. 4 ; de Bapt. 7, 
8 ; Res. Cam. 8. Diem baptismo solemniorem pascha prae- 
stat . . . exinde pentecoste ordinandis lavacris laetissimum 
spatium est. cetcrum omnis dies Domini est, omnis hora, 

NOTES. 221 

omne tempus habile baptismo . . . aquam adituri ibidem sed 
et aliquanto prius in ecclesia sub antistitis manu contestamur 
nos renuntiare diabolo et pompae et angelis eius. Dehinc 
ter mergitamur, amplius aliquid respondentes qnam Dominus 
in evangelic detenninavit. Inde suscepti lactis et mellis 
concordiam praegustamus . . . exinde egressi de lavacro 
perungimur benedicta unctione . . . dehinc manus imponitur, 
per benedictionem advocans et invitans spiritum sanctum 
. . . Caro abluitur ut anima emaculetur; caro ungitur, ut 
anima consecretur ; caro signatur, ut et anima muniatur ; 
caro manus impositione adumbratur, ut et anima spiritu 

PAGE 128. 

Cyril. Hieros. Cat. Myst. i. 2 ff. ii. EtVi/etre TTP&TOV els 
TOV rrpoavXiov TOV /SaTTTioTf/piou OIKOV, Kai Trpbs TCIS 8vo~[ eo~T>TS 
rjKOvaaTf Kai Ttpoo-fTaTTCo-de eKTelveiv rf)v X f P n > * a * >s npos 
napovTa. elnfiv o~oi, Snraya, Kai 7rao~i TO!S epyois 
&ov . . . KOI TraffT) TTJ Trofjurfj [crv], KOI Tratri; rfj Xarpf t a aov. ore 
ouv T<B Sarnva anoTaTTr) . . . avoiytrtu croi 6 napaouros TOV deov 
. , . KCU rovrov (rvfj,^o\ov TO o~Tpa<prjvai ere arrb Sva-fjLwv Trpbs 
dvaTO\fjv, TOV (pcoro? TO \npiov. rore croi e Xeyfro ftTreij/ IltoTei o) 
els TOV Trarepa KOI (Is TOV vibv Kai fls TO ayiov Trvevfia Ka\ (Is ev 
ftaTrTio-fJiri p.fTavolas. Kai raura fv T< e a)re pa> eyevtTO OIKO) . . . 
fvdvs ovv clo~(\Q6vTS (iTredveode TOV ^rrcoi/a . . . fiVa drroo vdevTfS 
e Xat o) 7jX/f/)ea^6 TWpKio~T(0 . . . /nera raCra eV! TT]V ayiav TOV 
6dov f3u7rTi.o~p.aTos e \eipaytoyelo~de Ko\ . . . Kai rjpcoTaTO 
Kao~Tos fl TTKTTevei els TO 6Vo/za rou Trnrpor KO\ TOV vlov Kai TOV 
ayiov nvevparot <al a>p.o\oyr]o~aT Trjv o~Q)T7)piov 6p.o\oyiav, KOI 
KUTe8vfTe TP ITOV els TO vdu>p Kai dvedveTf iraKiv . . . ai vfjCiv 
dva(3el3r]K6o-iv CK TTJS KoXvpfttjOpas . . . edodr] ^piV/na . . . KOI 
irp&Tov xpieo-0e eVi TO /ueYa>7rof. . . etTa eVi TCI COTO . . . efra eVl 
Tr]v ocr(pprjo-tv , . . fjLfTa Taura eirl ra aTTjdr]. 

PAGE 144. 

The following clauses occur in the Mozarabic benediction 
of the font : 

" Sepeliatur hie ille Adam vetus, resurgat novus, ^. Amen. 

" Moriatur hie omne quod carnis est ; resurgat omne 
quod est spiritus. ^. Amen. 


" Quicunque hie renuntiant diabolo, des eis triumphare de 
mundo. I. Amen. 

" Ut per ministerium nostrum tibi consecratus, aeternis ad 
virtutibus, aeternis praemiis consecretur. $. Amen." 

PAGE 152. 

The following are the forms printed by Maskell : 

" I N. take the N. to my wedded wyf to haue and to holde 
fro this day forwarde for better : for wors : for richere : for 
poorer : in sykenesse and in hele : tyl dethe vs departe if holy 
chyrche it woll ordeyne, and therto I plight the my trouthe. 

" I N. take the N. to my wedded housbonder to haue and 
to holde fro this day forwarde for better : for wors : for richer : 
for poorer : in sykenesse and in hele : to be bonere and buxum 
in bedde and at the borde tyll dethe us departhe if holy 
chyrche it wol ordeyne and therto I plight the my trouthe. 

" With this rynge, I the wed, and this gold and silver I the 
geue, and with my body I the worshipe, and with all my 
wordely cathel I the endowe, In Nomine," &c. 

PAGE 161. 

Maskell prints a form from a MS. in the library of St. John s 
College, Oxford ; it exists also in a Cambridge MS., and was 
probably widely known and used by our mediaeval parish 
priests. It begins and ends thus : 

" My dere sone in God, thou hiest fast thi wai to Godward ; 
there thou shalt see alle thi former faderis, apostils, martiris, 
confessoris, virginis, and alle men and wommen that be 
sauid . . . Brother, art thou glad that thou shalt die in Cristin 
feith ? Knowleche that thou hast nou3t wel liued as thou 
shuldest? Art thou sori therfor ? Hast thou wil to amend 
the, ^if thou haddist space of lif? Leuist thou in God, Fader 
Almighti maker of hevene and of erthe ? Leuist thou in the 
Fader and Sone and Holi Cost, thre persons and on 
God ? Leuest that oure Lord Jesus Crist Godis Sone of 
hevene . . . suffrid pine and deth, for oure trespas . . . ? 
Thankcst thou him therfor ? Leuist thou that thou may nou3t 
be sauid but throw his deth ?" 

The patient having answered these questions in the 
affirmative, the priest proceeds : 

" Wil thi soule is in thi bodi, put alle thi trust in his passion 
and in his deth, and thenke onli theron and on non other 

NOTES. 223 

thing/ Then he offers short prayers, conceived in the same 
spirit, which the dying man is taught to repeat after him. 

The following prayers for the departed occur in the Burial 
Office of 1549 : 

" We commend into thy hands of mercy, most merciful 
Father, the soul of this our brother departed, N 

" Grant, we beseech thee, that at the day of judgement his 
soul and all the souls of thy elect, departed out of this life, 
may with us and we with them fully receive thy promises, c. 

" Grant unto this thy servant that the sins which he com 
mitted in the world be not imputed unto him, but that he, 
escaping the gates of hell, and pains of eternal darkness, may 
ever dwell in the region of light," c. 

In the Communion Service of 1549 the Intercession for the 
dead still finds a place in the canon : 

We commend unto thy mercy (O Lord) all other thy 
servants which are departed hence from us with the sign of 
faith, and now do rest in the sleep of peace : Grant unto 
them, we beseech thee, thy mercy, and everlasting peace, and 
that, at the day of the general resurrection, we and all they 
which be of the mystical body of thy son, may altogether 
be set on his right hand," &c. 

At the celebration of the Holy Communion when there is 
a burial of the dead Ps. xlii, was the introit ; the collect was 
nearly as it now stands in the Order for Burial ; the Epistle 
was i Thess. iv. 13-18, and the Gospel, St. John vi. 37-40. 

PAGE 191. 

Liturgy of St. Basil (Swainson, p. 76) Evxrj di<ri(p&>i/ov y. 
O T(is Koivas ravTas Kal cri^K^coi/oi y riy.1v xapiG-afJ-evos Trpoo evxas, 
6 Kal dval Kal rpial ovp.fpavoio iv cirl TO> ovopnri crou ras alrrj(T(is 
eTrayyaXdp-evos, UVTOS Kal vvv TU>V dovXttf aou ra 
irpbs TO avpcpfpov 7r\r)p(O(TOv, ^op^-yci)!/ fjfjuv ev TO> 
atom rfjv eniyvaaiv rrjs o~fjs aXrjdeias, Kal ev TO> pe XXoi/rt 
alwviov xapi^o/iei/off. The prayer appears in the same 
position, and without any important variant, in the Liturgy 
of St. Chrysostom (Swainson, p. 113). 

PAGE 194. 

Canon Wordsworth writes : " A design for an Anglican 
Pontifical was smothered by the troubles in 1640 (Cardwell, 
Synodalia, ii. pp. 595 n., 613). In 1661-2 Cosin was charged 


with preparing a form for the consecration of churches, 
chapels, and churchyards (ib. 668) . . . but not in time for 
the issue of the Prayer Book (ib. 675, 677). This section of 
the work was taken up again in 1712, 1715, by Convocation 
(ib. 819), when the Hoadly business interfered with any 
formal ratification." 


Accipt Spiritum Sanctum, 204, 

206, 208 f. 
Act of Uniformity, first, 8 f., 14, 


Act jo nuptialis, 151. 
Adrian I, 98. 
African Church, 130; "African " 

canons, I49f. 
AydnT), 77 f. 
Agatho, 45. 
Agenda, 122. 

Agnus Dei, 109, 113, u8f. 
Alcuin, 54, 99. 
Amalarius, 101. 
Ambrose, St., 40, 149. 
Ambrosian liturgy, 92.<t>opd, 88, 106, 109. 
Anglo-Saxon names for Hours, 


Annulus pronubtts, 1 50. 
Antiphona, 42, 48 f. ; antipho- 

narium, 16, 41, 48 f., 5 if., 

102 ; antiphonal singing, 40. 
Apostolical Constitutions, 32, 34, 

86 f., 129, 196; Apostolic 

Hours, 28, 32. 
Athanasius, St., 41 ; Pseudo- 

Ath., 36, 48; "Athanasian" 

Creed, 48, 62, 159. 
Audientes, auditores, 128. 
Augustine, St., 40, 157, 164 ; 

Augustine of Canterbury, 8 f., 

44, 147 ; Psalter of, 48. 

Bangor, 12 ; the Irish, 37. 
Baptism, 123^, I36f. ; creed of, 

Basil, St., 33, 34, 40, 191, 212. 
Bede, 165, 178, 213 f. 
Benedict, St., 39 ; Benedict Bis- 

cop, 45. 
Benedictio, 203 ; benedictio fon- 

tis, 139, 141. 
Benedictional, 194. 
Betrothal, English forms of, 


Bibtiotheca, 53. 
Book of Common Prayer, 7 f. 
Breviarium, breviary, 16, 54f. 
Burial rites of the ancient Church, 


Caesarius of Aries, 39, 91, 156. 
Canon missae, 93, io6f., 108 f., 

n8f., 218. 
Cantatorium, 102. 
Canterbury, St. Martin s, II, 44. 
Canticles, 73. 
Capitula, 40, 59, 64. 
Caspian, John, 38. 
Catecheses, 128, 134. 
Catechumenate, 133. 
Cathedral Uses, \$L 
Celestine, 41. 
Celtic Service-books, 10. 
Charlemagne, 54, 98. 
XetpofleretV, \eipo6taia, 196. 
Chrysostom, St., 33, 40 ; prayer 

of, I9of., 223. 
Churches, influence of the greater, 

90 f. 

" Churching," 148. 
Circulus anni, 45. 



Clement, St., 80 f; Council of 

Alexandria, 27, 149. 
Clovesho, Council of, 178. 
Codex Alexandrinus, 47. 
Collect, 108; collectarium, 16, 

53 ; col lectio, 92. 
Ko\v/xj3770prz, 129. 
Comes, liber comitis or comictts, 


Commcndatio animarum. 166. 
Common of Saints, 57, 64, 106; 

of time, 87, 105. 
Communio. 1 1 6. 
Communion. English Order of, 

114; of sick, 160. 
Compatre.s, commatres, 140. 
Competentes, 87, 128. 
Completorium, Compline, 39. 
Confirmation, 123, 137 f. 
Consecratio, 203. 
Consuetudinarium, 1 5 . 
Consummatio, 203. 
Contestatio, 92. 
Convocation, 69. 
Coptic Constitutions, 130. 
Cornelius, 199. 
Cranmer, 12, 2i,68f., 112, 189, 


Creed of Baptism, 136 f. 
Cross, sign of, 145. 
Cup, restoration of, 113. 
Cursus psallendi or psalmorum, 


Cuthbert, St., 139, 178, 185. 
Cyprian, Sf.., 28, 30, 83, 127. 
Cyril, St., of Jerusalem, 84 f., 
128, 216, 221. 

Dead, care of the, 162 f.; prayers 

for the, 170, 223. 
Decentius, 94. 
Denuntiatio, 134. 
Derby, accounts of All Saints , 

Didache, 27, 78 f., 1241"., 214, 


Dies in apertione aurium, 135. 
Directunurn sacerdotum, 66. 

Dirige, dirge, 166. 
Diurnale, 16. 
Dryhthelm, 165. 
Dunstan, Pontifical of, 194. 
Dunwich, n. 

Easter Eve, 29, 128, 141, 180. 

Egbert, 104; Pontifical of, 185, 
193, 202 f. ; excerpta Egberti, 
46, I58n 

Egyptian monasteries, 36 f. 

ElprjViKa, 176. 

EfCTfvai, 176. 

Elect i, 134. 

Ember weeks, 201. 

English baptismal offices, 144 f.; 
burial office, 169^; litany, 
1 8 1, i86f. ; marriage office, 
152, 222 ; Mattins and Even 
song, 71 f. ; orders, 207 f. 

Ench iridion, 122. 

Ephphatha, 136, 140, 144. 

Episcopal offices, 192 f. 

Epistolariiim, 16, 101. 

Evangeliarium, 16, 101. 

Evensong, 71 f. 

Families, liturgical, 91, 120 f. 
" Parsings," 103. 
Feriae, 61. 
Flammeum, 150. 
Freeman, Archdeacon, quoted, 

Gallican offices, n, 91 f., 217. 

Gallic inium, 32. 

" Gang days," 178. 

Gelasius, 95 f. 

Geographical distribution of 

liturgies, 89 f. 
Gloria in Excelsis, 36, 48, 108, 

113, 119; Gloria Patri, 61 f. 
Gospel Canticles, 62. 
Graduale, grail, grayle, 16, 

102 f., 108, 135. 
Gray, Archbishop, 17. 



Gregory the Great, 9, 95 f., 147, 
164, 179 f. ; Gregory of Touis ; 
92, 178. 

Guthlac, 185, 

Hermann, 189. 

Hermas, 93. 

Hippolytus, Canons of, 31, 34 f., 

84, 131 f, 146, 200. 
Homiliarius, 53 f. 
Horae, 19, 211. 
Hormisdas, 41. 
"Hours," 23, 28 f., 32 f., 47. 
Hymnarium, hymnal, 16, 53. 

Ignatius, St., 40, 77, 149. 

Immolatio, 92. 

Imposition of hands, 196 f. 

In exitu Israel, 167. 

Innocent I, 94. 

Instrumenta, 206. 

Intercession of Saints, 183 (. 

Introit, 1 08. 

Invitatory, 50 f. 

Invocation of the Holy Spirit, 

109, 117, 220. 
//<?, missa est, 75, no, 118. 

John Cassian, 38; John the 

Precentor, 49. 
Jumieges Missal, 12 ; Pontifical, 

Justin Martyr, 8 if., 125 f., 2i5f., 


Kalendar, 57, 65. 
Kyrieeleison (Kup 
88, 108, 176, i8af. 

Latin tongue, use of, 20, 83, 1 13. 
Lauds, 39. 

Lectionaritts, 16, 52. 
Legenda, legendarius, 16, 53. 
Leo I, 95. 
Leofric Missal, 12. 
Lewis the Pious, 104. 
Libelli ordinis, 100. 

Liber Diurnus, 42 ; Liber Ponti- 
ficalis, 41, 95. 

Lindisfarne, n. 

Airavfia, litania (let., laei.}, 175 ; 
trina, &c., 184. 

Litanies, missal, 1 76 ; Rogation- 
tide, 177 f; St. Mark s Day, 
i/9f. ; Easter Eve, 180; Len 
ten, 181; English, 181, i86f. 

Liturgical books, early Western, 
96 ; liturgical families, 91, 


Liudhard, 9, 44. 

Lucernarium, 32 ; psalmi lucer- 
narii, 35. 

Magnificat, 63. 

Mamertus, 177. 

Manuale, 122 f. 

Marriage ceremonies, 149 f. 

Marseilles, 38. 

Marshall s primer, 189. 

Mass, 74, 214. 

Mattins, 26, 38, 60; English 

71 f. 

Ma) deston, 66 n. 
Memoriae Communes, in. 
Milan, 39. 
Missa, 74 f., 1 06 ; missae psal- 

monim, 75; missae votivae, 

Missale, 16, 74, 104^ ; Missak 

Francorum, 202. 
Monastic uses, 33, 36 
Monte Cassino, 53, 55, 
" Mouth s mind," 169. 
Mozarabic offices, 92, 144, 221. 
Mvpov, 129. 
Musaeus, 96. 

Nicaea, canons of, 89. 
" Nicene" Creed, 108. 
Nicolas I, 151. 
Nocturns, 38, 60. 
Nunc dimittis, 63. 

Offertorium, 108. 
U ratio, 62. 

P 2 



Orders, validity of Fnglish, 208 f. 
Ordinale, 16, 57, 651. 
Ordinarittm missae, io6f., iisf. 
Ordines Romani, 101, 133, 193, 

Or Jo, IOT ; or do ad faciendum 

catechumenutn, 134 f. 
Osmund, 14. 

Paranymphi, 150. 

Passionate, passionarius, 16, 53. 

Passover, 76. 

Pastorale, 122. 

Paternoster, 188 f. 

Paul the Deacon, 54. 

Paulinus of Nola, 96. 

Pax, 94, 1 08, 154. 

Perpetua, Acts of, 83. 

&UTIO~IJ,US, 126. 

Pica, "pie," 1 6, 57, 66 f. 

Placebo, 166. 

Polycarp, 157. 

Pont if sx, 192. 

Pontificale, 192 ; Egbert s, 185, 

193, 202 f. ; Dunstan s, 194. 
Poore, R. de, 15. 
Portiforium, " portehors," 55, 


Postcommumo, no. 

Praefatio missae, 92. 

Prayers for the dead, 170, 223. 

Preces, 60 ; preces pacificae, \ 76. 

Prime, 39. 

Primer, prymer, 19, 212. 

Processio, 177. 

Procession ale, 1 74 f. 

Processions in mediaeval Eng 
land, i72f. ; abolished, 174. 

Proficiscere anima, 161. 

"Proper of time," 57, 59, 63 f., 
105 ; " of saints," 57, 64, 106. 

Propria, no. 

Prosa, 103. 

Psalms, recitation of, 37. 

Psalter, 47 f., 57 f. 

Purgatorius ignis, purgatory, 

Purification of women, 146 f. 

" Quicunqne," 48, 62, 159. 
Quignon, 67 f., 70. 

Redditio symboli, 131, 138. 
Regiones suburbicariae, 95. 
Renunciation before baptism, 

128, 136. 

Responsoria, responds, 43, 51. 
Responsoriale, 51. 
Ritnale, 122. 
Ritus canendi, 45. 
Rogationtide. 177 f., 179. 
Roman Church, clergy of (251 

A. D.), 199 ; Greek-speaking 

in the first days, 93. 
Roman Hours, 39 ; Mass, 82 f., 

93 f. ; Ordinations, 200 f. 

Sacramentale, 122. 
Sacramentariuni, sacramentary, 

16, loof. ; Leonian, 97, 99; 

Gelasian, 97 f. ; Gregorian, 

97 f., 100. 
Sanctorale, 66, 68. 
Saints, common and proper of, 

57, 64, 106. 
Saium, Use of, I3f. ; breviary, 

57, 67 ; missal, 107 f. ; manunl, 

123; processional, 172 f.; 

pontifical, 194 f. 

ola cantorum, 43, 201. 

Scrutinia, 1 34 f. 

Sees, influence of the greater, 

Seqnenha, sequence, 103. 

Sermologns, 53. 

Service-books, cost of, 17 f. ; 
purification, 23 f.; revision, 24; 
simplification, 20 f. ; unifica 
tion, 15 f. 

Silvia, 32 f., 35, I3of., 21 2 f. 

Simplicius, 97. 

Spirit us septiformis, 137. 

Sponsalia, espousals, I5if. 

St. Mark s Day, 17^ f. ; St. Mar 
tin s, Canterbury, u, 44. 

Statuta antiqua ecclesiae, 199, 



Stratton, church accounts of, 17. 
Structure of hour offices, 59 f. 
Sulpicius Severus, 91. 
"SvvaiTTai, 176. 
Stirsum corda, 83, 88 f., 108. 

Te Deum, 48, 60, 62. 

Temporals, 63 f., 66, 68. 

Ter sanctus, 83. 

Teitullian, 28 f., 126 f., 149, 156, 

220 f. 

Theodore of Canterbury, 10. 
Titnli, 43. 
Tracttts, tract, 103. 
Traditio symboli, \ 40. 
Troperium, troper, 16, 103. 

Y^vos icuOivos, 48. 
Unction of the sick, 

Uniformity, first Act of, 8 f., 14, 

Uses, diocesan, I3f. 

Velatio nuptialis, 151 f. 

Veni, Creator, 107, 205 f., 208. 

Venite, 50, 59, 63. 

Vespers, 60, 62. 

Victor, 93. 

Vienne, 177. 

Vigilius, 107. 

Vigils, 29 f. 

Visitation of the sick, I55f., 222. 

Voconius, 96. 

Votive masses, in. 

Vulgar tongue, use of, 113. 

Walafrid Strabo, 184. 
Wearmouth, 4v 
\Yinchelsey, Archbishop, 17. 









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193 Church services and service- 

G7S8 books before the reformation